Almost 100 years ago, on March 11, 1917, in Surabaya, a movement called Djawa Dipa was born, opposing the feudalistic practices of the time. According to various records, the movement was first initiated in two locations: the Oost Java Bioscoop building (now a shopping complex in the Aloon-aloon Contong area) and the Oost JavaRestaurant. From its inception, Djawa Dipa aimed to equalize the use of the Javanese language by abolishing its hierarchical structure. In other words, unggah-ungguhing basa (the stratified levels of Javanese language such as ngokoand krama) had to be eliminated. The Krama class, referring to the lower layers of Javanese society, became the movement’s main focus because equality for them was of utmost importance. Until then, the hierarchy in the use of the Javanese language had only widened the gap of social stratification and reinforced unfair treatment against them (Thamrin, 2022).
One of the key figures behind the birth of Djawa Dipa was Tjokrosoedarmo, the leader of the SI (Sarekat Islam) Surabaya branch — a native arek Suroboyo from the Plampitan neighborhood, who came from a priyayi (noble) family background. However, in contrast to his aristocratic origins, he became a vocal critic of the rules governing the use of krama (high-level Javanese language). For him, a language structure built on rigid hierarchy was not a tool for communication, but rather a wall of oppression — something that burdened the Javanese people. This was evident in a fragment of his radical ideas, delivered during a speech at the formation of the Djawa Dipa committee, which was also published in the Sinar Djawa newspaper, March 15, 1917 edition.
”…telah njata kita ketahoei, sampai saat ini, dan sampai zaman perobahan ini, atoeran bahasa Djawa ”kromo” itoe hanjalah membikin soesah kita Djawa sadja. Berlantaran atoeran bahasa Djawa ”Kromo” itoe tidak sedikit bilangannya…Maka ketjelakaan dan kesengsaraan pendjara itoe bagi kita boekan bangsa ”sastrawan” hanjalah lantaran soesahnja atoeran bahasa Djawa ”kromo” ada di moeka persidangan hakim”
(…it is clear to us, even up to this moment, and into this era of change, that the rules of the Javanese ‘krama’ language only bring hardship to us Javanese. Because of these ‘krama’ language rules—of which there are no small number… Misfortune and the suffering of imprisonment for us, who are not a ‘literary’ people, are merely caused by the difficulty of these ‘krama’ rules when faced in front of the judge’s court.)
In its time, Djawa Dipa appeared to be supported by prominent figures, including Tjokroaminoto of Sarekat Islam itself. Although Tjokroaminoto was initially not very enthusiastic about the emergence of Djawa Dipa, as the movement gradually expanded in 1918 and his dominance within Sarekat Islam (CSI) began to wane, he quickly moved to consolidate new forces. Djawa Dipa was then promoted and pushed to become a militant movement aimed at transforming the “slave mentality” of the Javanese people (Siraishi, 1997).
As a movement, Djawa Dipa often directly issued appeals encouraging the reduction of krama (high-level Javanese) usage. One of its early recommendations included changing honorifics or forms of address: using “Wiro” for men, “Woro” for married women, and “Liro” for unmarried women (Thamrin, 2022). The movement also expanded to include calls for rejecting long-standing gestures of deference embedded within the Dutch East Indies bureaucracy. These gestures included a wide range of social behaviors, dress codes, hierarchical language use, and honorary titles.
Javanese people were required to treat Dutch officials with elaborate forms of submission: walking in a crouched or squatting position (jongkok), addressing colonial officers as kanjeng tuan, sitting cross-legged in their presence, and performing a respectful gesture of placing both hands against the upper lip (sembah) after the officials spoke (Der Meer, 2021).
Although Djawa Dipa was enthusiastically welcomed by the Javanese public and became a topic of discussion in various newspapers at the time, its presence also brought with it the consequence of skepticism about its effectiveness in leveling the Javanese language. This view emerged from the conservative elite, who felt that their power was being threatened by the rise of Djawa Dipa. This sentiment was evident, for instance, in a column published in De Indier on April 10, 1917. The author of the piece was not clearly identified, but the tone of the writing revealed a skeptical attitude toward the presence and aims of Djawa Dipa.
”De ngoko-questie houdt de gemoederen in de inlandsche wereld nog warm. Er is bereids een vereeniging gevormd onder den naam Djawa Dipa, die het ngoko zal trachten vereheffen tot algemeene tal op Java. Wij staan er zeer sceptisch tegenover!”
(The ngoko question continues to stir emotions in the inlander. An association has already been formed under the name Djawa Dipa, which will attempt to elevate ngoko to the status of a general language in Java. We view this with great skepticism!)
There was also a lengthy opinion piece titled “Djowo Dipo Contra Adat” (“Djawa Dipa Against Custom”) written by a district head (the specific region was not detailed), published in the De Locomotief newspaper on June 14, 1921. In it, he expressed his concerns about the growing presence of Djawa Dipa, which he viewed as increasingly troubling.
According to him, the Djawa Dipa movement was seen as undermining the authority of the priyayi (Javanese aristocracy). This colonial official considered the use of informal terms like “Kowe” (you, in low-register Javanese) when addressing officials to be an insult to the established customs and power structures.
Although he did not deny that real change was happening, he insisted that politeness must remain paramount. He cited an incident in which a wedana (district head) was approached by two members of Djawa Dipa as an example of this perceived breach of decorum.
”…De wedono liet zich niettemin door die woorden niet van streek brengen, bleef kalm en vroeg den heeren gemoedelijk in het hoog-Javaansch: ‘Sampean wonten perloe poenopo?’ (Wat is er van uw dienst?”
(…The wedana, however, was not shaken by those words, remained calm, and politely asked the gentlemen in high Javanese: ‘Sampean wonten perloe poenopo?’What can I do for you?’)
Despite all of that, Djawa Dipa chose to remain actively vocal. To facilitate the wider dissemination of their propaganda, in April 1921 they finally launched the first issue of their weekly newspaper titled Hindia Dipa (Thamrin, 2022).
The release of the newspaper appears to have been accelerated compared to the original plan. This differed from a report in the Nieuwe Rotterdamsche Courant dated March 22, 1921, which had stated that Hindia Dipa would be published at the end of 1921.
On the other hand, Hindia Dipa, as the media outlet of Djawa Dipa, chose to use a blend of Malay-Javanese as its primary language.
Language as a revolutionary medium
During the 19th century, the Dutch systematically indoctrinated themselves into Javanese society through a process of cultural appropriation that legitimized their authority. This legitimacy was heavily dependent on the preservation of the culture of the traditional elite. The Dutch deliberately created cultural hegemony by adopting and institutionalizing Javanese-style rituals. Symbols of power—such as hierarchical forms of dress, lifestyle, language, consumption, and architecture—were carefully maintained and reinforced by the colonial regime (Der Meer, 2019).
Clifford Geertz, in his book Negara: The Theatre State in Nineteenth-Century Bali, also explained that state power is not only embodied in institutions but also in the continuous production of symbols. In other words, symbols are not merely matters of aesthetics—they are manifestations of power itself.
All of this gradually began to shift. The early 20th century marked a transformative period of social and cultural change. The Dutch Ethical Policy, though intended as a colonial reform, inadvertently created the conditions for the emergence of indigenous movements that became increasingly critical of all forms of feudal relations with the colonial power (Der Meer, 2021).
It was within this context that history records the rise of a radical movement in Surabaya that opposed state domination—particularly as it related to language hierarchy. As noted by J. P. Zurcher, although traditional customs were still respected, the times had changed significantly. The Javanese people of the past were no longer the same as those of the present. They had evolved, and with that evolution came a naturally emerging spirit of resistance.
DAFTAR PUSTAKA
Der Meer, A. (2019). Igniting Change in Colonial Indonesia: Soemarsono’s Contestation of Colonial Hegemony in a Global Context. Journal of World History, 30(4), 501–532.
Der Meer, A. (2021). Sweet Was the Dream, Bitter the Awakening: The Contested Implementation of the Ethical Policy 1901-1913. In Performing Power: Cultural Hegemony, Identity, and Resistance in Colonial Indonesia (pp. 48–76). Cornell University Press.
Districtshoofd. (1921, June 14). Djawa Dipa Contra Adat. De Locomotief.
Djawa Dipa. (1917, April 10). De Indier.
Geertz, C. (2017). Negara Teater: Kerajaan-Kerajaan di Bali Abad Kesembilan Belas. BasaBasi.
Java en Madoera. (1921, March 22). Nieuwe Rotterdamsche Courant .
Siraishi, T. (1997). Zaman Bergerak: Radikalisme Rakyat di Jawa 1912-1926. Pustaka Utama Grafiti.
Thamrin, M. H. (2022). Djawa Dipa: Sama Rata, Sama Rasa, Sama Bahasa 1917-1922 (1st ed.). Komunitas Bambu.
Zurcher, P. J. (1920). De Indische Gids (Vol. 42). J. H. de Bussy.
Alfian Widi Santoso | Student of History Departement in Airlangga Unviersity | Arek Institute Associate Researcher
Surabaya has long faced health issues related to water. This is evidenced by a petition to the Queen of the Netherlands, published in the Soerabajasch Handelsblad at the end of the 19th century, which concerned the provision of clean water for the population. The petition, created for the benefit of the European community, was motivated by the escalating cholera problem in Surabaya, as well as fears regarding the potable water conditions in Surabaya following John Snow’s discovery of the link between poor drinking water hygiene and the spread of cholera (Achdian, 2023).
The petition was eventually granted several years later, coinciding with Surabaya’s designation as a municipality. Nevertheless, issues regarding community hygiene and water remained problematic until the end of Dutch rule in Indonesia in 1942. This was due to disparities, where Europeans easily accessed water directly supplied to their homes, in contrast to the indigenous population who had to queue for water as each village was only equipped with one pump (Huda, 2016).
One of the impacts of this unequal policy can be observed in the Pegirian River, where hygiene issues were seriously highlighted, both in terms of problems and solutions, by two renowned authors of Dutch descent: H.F Tillema in his extensive volumes of Kromoblanda and Von Faber in his monumental second work, Nieuw Soerabaia. This writing highlights the Pegirian River case in the Nyamplungan district, which was a focus of the Surabaya government, and will discuss the government’s policies at the time in addressing this issue.
Image 1. The banks of the Pegirian River in the Nyamplungan District. Source: Von Faber, 1933, Nieuw Soerabaia
The Nyamplungan case is one among many health issues in Surabaya, but it received special attention from the Surabaya municipal government, as evidenced by the serious focus of Von Faber in Nieuw Soerabaia. In the book, the chapter on Health Care, specifically on Typhoid Fever, features a comparative photo of the banks of the Pegirian River in the Nyamplungan district, showing a change in the river steps from terraced to gentle.
According to Von Faber, the banks of the Pegirian River were filled with piles of human feces, disposed of indiscriminately. Von Faber noted that this reckless disposal of feces posed a significant problem related to the spread of Typhoid Fever, caused by the Salmonella Typhi virus transmitted through the consumption of food and drink contaminated by the feces of infected individuals. It can be concluded that this situation arose because some people still consumed food or drink sourced from the Pegirian River, such as drinking water or river-derived products, among others.
Image 2. The banks of the Pegirian River in the Nyamplungan district after renovation. Source: Von Faber, 1933, Nieuw Soerabaia
This issue was not confined to the banks of the Pegirian River passing through the Nyamplungan district but was prevalent along the entire length of the Pegirian River. This concern was voiced by Katjoeng Moeda in the “Proletar” newspaper, affiliated with the Communist Party of Indonesia (PKI) in Surabaya, on September 25, 1925. In his complaint about the Surabaya government’s sluggishness in addressing community cleanliness, Katjoeng Moeda wrote:
“At the Girikan River, starting from Gili Ketapang, when the water is stagnant, numerous men and women sit closely together. Not to catch a breeze… but to defecate, producing what could be called ‘sausage bread’.”
The ‘sausage bread’ Katjoeng Moeda referred to was feces. The quoted sentence illustrates a common behavior of defecating in the river, which can be said to mark the beginning of disease spread among the indigenous population. According to Von Faber and the Surabaya government of the time, this issue was deeply ingrained in the community—even after numerous educational efforts, which was evidenced by the accumulation and continuous renewal of feces. Indeed, the feces problem necessitated direct government intervention to resolve it. This was reflected in a report by the De Indische Courant newspaper on December 2, 1927, mentioning that the health department conducted an on-site review of waste disposal in Wonokusumo and would also visit Nyamplungan to discuss issues related to community health and hygiene.
A month later, the same newspaper provided an overview of the conditions in Nyamplungan and the steps to be taken to address this issue. In De Indische Courant, published on January 9, 1928, under the headline “Onhygiënisch Soerabaia” (Unhygienic Surabaya), an opening sentence poignantly described the Nyamplungan area, “Nyamplungan, the filthy…”. The news excerpt roughly went as follows:
“In these clumps of feces, residents of the densely populated villages of Njamploengan and Kertopaten defecate along the riverbanks without any shelter. The feces, left along the riverbanks, are carried back and forth by the tide, causing a continuously disgusting stench to pollute the environment. It would be a blessing for the community if the city government were to build 13 public baths and private facilities along the Pegirian. One of which is already under construction,” said the author.
The improvement of the riverbanks (in Javanese: plengsengan/trap) at least reduced the community’s habit of defecating in the river, a habit that, according to Von Faber, was very difficult to eliminate. These improvement efforts had been planned since 1928 by the B.O.W (Burgerlijke Openbare Werken/Public Works Department) along with the Surabaya health department for immediate implementation, in the interest of public health.
The renovations were not limited to the riverbanks but also included other improvements, such as providing 13 public toilets (ponten) at various points along the Pegirian River. Additionally, a number of hygiene facilities were planned to be built in the villages to train the community to live clean and hygienically. Despite these efforts, the issue persisted and continued, with weekly reports in the De Indische Courant newspaper on community health and diseases arising, especially those related to hygiene. Interestingly, the Nyamplungan area still faced the same diseases (typhoid fever, typhus A., and diphtheria) into the 1930s, even though various hygiene facilities had been constructed.
The Actual Problem!
Indeed, this issue could not be resolved spontaneously, as initially planned by the Surabaya Municipal Government in the early 1930s. The health problem and the planning undertaken by the Surabaya government garnered harsh criticism from the “Proletar” newspaper in its column titled “Tjiamah Tjioeng”. In the January 25, 1925 edition of Proletar, Si Sawoet wrote in this column under the poignant title, “The Government Wants Health, But Lets Disease Close By”, blending criticism and satire towards the Surabaya government. Si Sawoet wrote:
“…Try walking once via Gembong gas factory and Njamploengan street to Pegirikan, your nose would be assaulted, if not covered, by the stench of human… leftovers. It’s not wrong if someone who has grown hardened, then squats showing their behind to the public to… dispose, because to defecate in privacy, one must actually pay… to the government. Municipal Cleaning Service, look there’s a stink service.”
According to Si Sawoet’s account, the Surabaya Municipal Government was neglectful of the health conditions of the lower-class community in Surabaya. Moreover, Si Sawoet suggested that the government appeared to act on making Surabaya cleaner, but the Surabayan citizens, especially the indigenous population, never received adequate and free access. According to Si Sawoet, they (the government) never looked at the actual conditions and only speculated theories in parliament, even stating:
“Theory on paper is always clean, but the practical evidence is… embarrassingly far from it…”
This is in line with the detailed explanation by Jean Gelman Taylor in her essay “Bathing and Hygiene: Histories from the KITLV Images Archive” included in the anthology “Cleanliness and Culture: Indonesian Histories”. In the article, Taylor elucidates the complex issues surrounding why the indigenous population engaged in domestic work and private matters in public spaces like rivers, closely related to the economic issues of the community, especially the indigenous people.
Taylor logically explains that this occurs due to the socio-economic conflict underpinning it all, where the indigenous community, as the third-class society, lacks adequate access to hygiene because:
“First, their homes, often made of woven bamboo, likely do not have a bathroom; if there is one, they must carry water from the river for daily needs such as bathing, washing, and latrines (MCK); Second, the indigenous community is provided with only one water pump per village. This is starkly contrasted with the European community who can easily access clean water. Even through the waterleiding policy, the government could supply water to every European house through the available pipes.”
These two reasons ultimately left the indigenous community with the only option of performing domestic work and private matters in the river, as had been done by previous generations, although the motives were significantly different.
Image 3. Community activities around the river (Cantian), including children bathing, women washing, and the use of riverbanks for drying food. Source: Van Ingen
In the context of Surabaya, Taylor’s argument is validated, showing that the indigenous population struggles with the clean water crisis in their villages, with the government, expected to serve the community, being perceived as absent or negligent. Katjoeng Moeda articulated this critique towards the Gemeente Surabaya at the time, accusing the government of being extortionate and motivated by profit.
“When they do provide services, the government does not forget to ask for a cent from each person bathing and another cent from those using the latrine. Now, because of the government’s money-minded politics, the public suffers. That is, if you walk there (around the Pegirian River), you must hold your breath to avoid suffocating.”
Again, such cases cannot be spontaneously resolved as mentioned by Von Faber or the Surabaya government at that time, but must be accompanied by adequate infrastructure and economic development for the indigenous community. This aligns with Dr. Soetomo’s criticism, who argued that the government must urgently attend to the plight of the indigenous people, especially those living under bridges and along riverbanks.
According to Purnawan Basundoro in his book “Merebut Ruang Kota: Aksi Rakyat Miskin Kota Surabaya 1900-1960an” (Seizing Urban Spaces: Actions of the Urban Poor in Surabaya 1900-1960s), the lower class of Surabaya (especially migrants) who lacked the capital to build a house, ended up using riverbanks and under bridges as places of residence or to construct their homes.
Furthermore, this issue persists to the present day, as detailed by Roanne van Voorst in her book “The Best Place in the World: An Anthropologist’s Experience Living in a Jakarta Slum.” Voorst notes that constructing homes on riverbanks is a common practice among Jakarta’s migrants lacking sufficient capital, as vacant land like riverbanks become a solution, given the weak government regulations on this matter.
These studies demonstrate that the issue of riverbank living has been a continuous problem from the colonial period to the present day. Historians and anthropologists discussing riverbank life will never run out of issues to address. Hence, this lifestyle becomes a matter of concern for both city governments and academics.
In summary, the pattern of village life, where private and domestic spaces are inseparable, has been established since the colonial period. In the current era, this pattern has only shifted in activities and behaviors. However, the limitation in separating private and public spaces still remains unresolved.
References
De Indische Courant. Gezondheid-Inspectie. 2 Desember 1927
De Indische Courant. Onhygiënisch Soerabaia. 9 Januari 1928
De Indische Courant. Besmettelijke Ziekten. 13 Februari 1931
Si Sawoet. Tjiamah Tjioeng!! Goeminta Maoenja Sehat, tetapi Penjakit biar Dekat. Proletar. 10 Mei 1925
Katjoeng Moeda. Tjiaaamah Tjiiiioeng!!!, Goeminta Soerabaja. Proletar. 20 September 1925
Andi Achdian. 2023. Ras, Kelas, Bangsa: Politik Pergerakan Antikolonial di Surabaya Abad ke-20. Tangerang: Marjin Kiri
G.H. von Faber. 1933. Nieuw Soerabaia: De Geschiedenis van de Indië’s Voornaamste Koopstad in de Eerste Kwarteeuw, Sedert Hare Instelling 1906-1931. Soerabaja: N.V Boekhandel en Drukkerij H. Van Ingen
H.F. Tillema. 1916. Kromoblanda: Over ‘t vraagstuk van ,,Het Wonen” in Kromo’s groote land. Den Haag: N.V. Electrisch Drukkerij en Uitgave Maatschappij ,,de Atlas”
Nur Huda. 2016. PERAN GOUVERNEMENT WATERLEIDING TERHADAP PENYEDIAAN AIR BERSIH DI SURABAYA TAHUN 1900-1923. Skripsi. Surabaya: Universitas Airlangga
Purnawan Basundoro. 2013. Merebut Ruang Kota: Aksi Rakyat Miskin Kota Surabaya 1900-1960an. Tangerang: Marjin Kiri
Roanne van Voorst. 2022. Tempat Terbaik di Dunia: Pengalaman Seorang Antropolog Tinggal di Kawasan Kumuh di Jakarta. Tangerang: Marjin Kiri
Anugrah Yulianto Rachman | CEO and Founder of Arek Institute | Anthropologist
Cak Durasim is always placed as a pioneer in the art of Ludruk. His presence is also associated with the early development of this art form, and he is known for inventing Ludruk from its previous forms, namely: Lerok and Besut. Even his legendary name is embedded in a complex of arts and culture in East Java. However, no one has ever known for sure the track record of the journey of his Ludruk group.
Cak Durasim, who is also called Gondoredjo Durasim, is always known through his Ludruk Organisatie (LO) (Supriyanto, 2018). This is the starting point of the development of Ludruk into a complete package of East Java’s art as it is today. Big names in the world of Ludruk are also intertwined with him, such as: Pak Doel, Wakidin, Minin, and Toegi (Soeara Nirom, 1939a). They are the names involved in the broadcast of Durasim’s Ludruk on Nirom radio.
Image 1 Cak Durasim with Minin in the magazine Soeara Nirom
The magazine Soeara Nirom becomes an important library in recording the journey of Cak Durasim’s Ludruk group. This magazine records various titles of Ludruk plays that have been broadcast by it. In the range of Soeara Nirom magazine publication in 1939, there are about 27 Ludruk plays listed in the broadcasts of this group. The titles of these plays are as follows:
Image 2 Collection of Durasim’s Plays based on Soeara Nirom Magazine
The 27 plays of Cak Durasim were broadcast periodically on Radio Nirom (Soeara Nirom, 1939b, 1939a, 1939c, 1939d, 1939e, 1939f, 1939g, 1939h, 1939i). This data represents the titles of the plays and the frequency of broadcasts for each play collected from several archives of Soeara Nirom magazine. In a report about the early development of Ludruk, the magazine Soeara Nirom describes how difficult it was for Cak Durasim to adapt Ludruk performances into broadcast form and to create Ludruk plays. However, Durasim gathered inspiration from readings that were widely provided by Balai Pustaka at the time.
Furthermore, the famous Ludruk plays of Cak Durasim also appeared in broadcasts on Nirom radio. These plays are Mbok Rondho Sakit and Bakar Bakir. Each of them is presented in 4 acts. This division aligns with the postcards published by Odeon Gajah which show the appearance of these plays in the form of vinyl. These postcards not only display recordings of Cak Durasim’s Ludruk but also show the figure of Cak Durasim.
Image 3 The back of the Odeon Gajah postcard regarding the title of Ludruk Durasim’s recording
Image 4 The front of the postcard displaying a photo of Cak Durasim
Cak Durasim is also known as a representation of Ludruk Surabaya. However, the data presented in the chart above is based on direct mentions of Cak Durasim’s name both as a leader and the name of the Ludruk group. This is because there are also Ludruk Surabaya group broadcasts without any mention of a leader or the name of Cak Durasim. Some plays presented by the Ludruk Surabaya group also have titles similar to those of Cak Durasim’s plays.
In the broadcast reporting of Soeara Nirom magazine, there are two categorizations directly related to the name of Cak Durasim, namely: “Ludruk Surabaya Group Led by Durasim” and “Ludruk Durasim from Surabaya”. Meanwhile, during the same period, there were several other Ludruk groups that also broadcasted, such as: the Ludruk Surabaya group and Ludruk Sekar Enggal led by Abdoel Hamid.
Cak Durasim’s Ludruk Organisatie Claim The curation and codification of Cak Durasim’s broadcast plays are based on the mention of Cak Durasim’s name in the Ludruk group broadcasts on Soeara Nirom magazine. This is because many Ludruk groups had already started to develop during the 1939 period. Even 10 years earlier, the Ludruk Durasim group was already paired with the Ludruk Genteng group. Although many writers mention that Ludruk Genteng is Cak Durasim’s Ludruk group—less famous (Indonesia Kaya, n.d.; Setiawan, 2020).
At a Java-Instituut conference in Surakarta in 1929, R. Ahmad Wongsosewojo reported on the condition of Ludruk art. He described the early development of Ludruk art in the form of Besut plays during Cak Durasim’s period. The article reported the existence of the quite famous Ludruk Genteng group in Surabaya, and also the Ludruk Durasim group along with Persatuan Bangsa Indonesia (PBI) by Dr. Soetomo (Wongsosewojo, 1929).
This report illustrates the early development of Ludruk art during the Durasim period. Ludruk plays were still limited to the use of plays and the ritual traditions of Besut art. However, the documentation of Ludruk Durasim as Ludruk Organisatie (LO) was not yet explained. It only writes about Ludruk Durasim. In line with the titles raised in Nirom magazine, the Java-Instituut report also uses the term Ludruk Durasim instead of LO.
The use of the term LO is a term used by Ludruk researchers, such as Henricus Supriyanto, in outlining the development of this art. In research far before Henricus, the term LO Durasim was not widely used (Frederick, 1989; Peacock, 2005). Durasim is only described as an organizer in mobilizing Ludruk art and also as an anti-colonial activist.
In other words, the journey of Ludruk Durasim has been forged in a long journey both on the academic stage and in Ludruk performances. Its tracks have been recorded in various archives and previous studies.
Bibliography
Frederick, W. H. (1989). Pandangan dan Gejolak Masyarakat Kota dan Lahirnya Revolusi Indonesia (Surabaya 1926-1946). PT. Gramedia.
Indonesia Kaya. (n.d.). Ludruk, Kesenian Guyonan Asal Jawa Timur. Indonesia Kaya. Retrieved December 21, 2023, from https://indonesiakaya.com/pustaka-indonesia/ludruk-kesenian-guyonan-asal-jawa-timur/
Peacock, J. L. (2005). Ritus Modernisasi Aspek Sosial & Simbolik Teater Rakyat Indonesia (Miftahuddin (ed.)). Desantara.
Setiawan, A. (2020). Dua Legenda Ludruk Indonesia. Historia. https://historia.id/kultur/articles/dua-legenda-ludruk-indonesia-Dpgrl/page/1
M.A. Haris Firismanda merupakan mahasiswa S2 Kajian Sastra dan Budaya Universitas Airlangga
Humans always attach themselves to symbolic desires. They are no longer just confined to sexual desires or pleasures. Instead, it’s the drive for luxury, grandeur, or economic stability involving urban spatial planning. One such phenomenon can be observed through the anthropology of poetry titled “A Drop of Water in the Red-Light District” (2008). Moreover, this work is also part of the Javanese Literature Workshop development program.
As a work of poetry, it is written in Javanese. It also represents the group of sex workers because its poets come from the development program for this group. Therefore, this work contains collective memories and class consciousness of these workers. It simultaneously shows that their imagination holds a symbolic desire for a certain completeness.
Further, the poetry work titled “Terminal” is particularly interesting for deeper analysis. As its title suggests, this work harbors a symbolic desire for departure. There’s a desire from the Poet to present their memory of that space. It is interpreted as an initial gateway to a new world. The work reads as follows:
l Akeh tenan wong kang teka-lunga
Akeh wong Ian pawongan kang sliweran
Angel anggonkujalukpitulungan
Amarga wedi yen kapusan
On one hand, the city harbors an imagination of progress and novelty. On the other hand, the poet harbors a fear of urban life. It is seen as a very gray and new world of life. It’s as if entering an unknown jungle. The presence of the city actually stores anxiety memories for its writer.
Unlike the poetry “Terminal”, the poetry titled “Will Never Forget” instead harbors a desire for longing towards the other, namely the figure of a husband. This work harbors an imagination of the subject’s completeness if they could meet or live together with their husband. The fragment of the poem reads as follows:
Gusti
Tulungen awakku iki
Krana aku saiki lagi susah Ian bingung
Amarga ditinggal bojoku megawe adoh banget
Saiki aku dhewekan
Ana papan kene
Aku mung bisa nenuwun
Karo sing Kuwasa
Muga-muga bojoku
Ana papan penggawean
Slamet
Ora ana alangan apa-apa
Aku dhewe nek kene kerja
Aku pengen urip bebarengan karo bojoku
Kaya apa bae
Aku bakal tetep ngenteni bojoku bali
The Poet seems haunted by the anxiety over her husband’s job far from her. She experiences a condition of alienation because she does not achieve completeness in herself. Economic issues underlie the alienation problem of this wife subject. However, that completeness is not complemented by the departure of the other figure. Moreover, her husband has to venture far to fulfill life’s necessities. As a result, she feels a desire to reach her completeness as a subject living together with the other.
The other subject, in this collection of works, is not limited to the wife-husband relationship but also includes the relationship between mother and child. The poetry titled “Love” presents a dimension of alienation for the poet in this work. The starting point of her problem arises because a mother has to migrate far from her village to support her family (the other), including her child. The fragment of the poem reads as follows:
Aku tresna marang anakku
Sampek teka jeroning atiku
Sapa bae ora bakal bisa misahake aku utawa anakku
Aku tresna sampek tekan pati
This work shows the symbolic desire of the mother, which is her child. She goes far from her child to earn a living. Because of that issue, as a subject, the mother does not feel completeness. She expresses her sadness through the poem. She shows her love and feelings for her child, and it also shows that her love extends to her place of origin.
Several fragments of the poem show a view towards urban life. There is a memory about departure. There is also an imagination of alienation. Both fill the minds of their writers in this poetry work. They show an imagination of alienation and also experience failure in completeness regarding their symbolic desire towards the other.
Besides, the emergence of conflicts in several poems arises due to materialistic drives. They have to fulfill their lives. For that need, they try to find a better living space. This, in fact, presents its own trauma and memory for them. They seem to be facing a moment of collapse on themselves.
In short, symbolic desire, in this work, is recorded through the minds of its poets. They all are subjects-the other trying to achieve completeness for themselves, but they instead experience an experience of alienation due to the failure to achieve life completeness.
