Tembang Pilihan Arek Seri 1
Arboyo: Ludruk Garuda Dancing
The art of Ludruk is not only a means of entertainment but also plays a more vital role in educating society. This can be achieved through the art world, which appears very enjoyable and entertaining. One such effort has been made by the Ludruk Arboyo group in Surabaya. They introduce the value of nationalism through the dance they developed, namely the Garuda Dance.
This dance was created because the awareness of nationalism is considered to be in decline, as demonstrated by actual facts that depict counterproductive behavioral patterns with a lack of empathy towards one’s own nation. Several factors contribute to this situation, such as the globalisation trend that is increasingly encroaching on society.
Based on these issues, the Ludruk Arboyo group (Arek Suroboyo) developed the Garuda dance. The dance aims to disseminate the discourse of nationalism. It is an effort to ground Pancasila through art, and this is shown by the presence of this dance as one of the openers in every performance of this Ludruk group.
As the name suggests, this dance has movements resembling the figure of the Garuda bird, including wing-flapping movements, flying movements, and twisting movements. Each movement has its own meaning. For example, the wing-flapping movement symbolizes that the Indonesian people must uphold the good name of the nation and state.
In addition to being used as an opening dance, the Garuda dance also includes the reading of Pancasila after the dance is finished. The audience and all performers are invited to stand and chant Pancasila together. The atmosphere becomes very solemn and profound with this sequence of events. It aims to invite, notably, the young audience to further ground Pancasila in art. This is because the Ludruk group sees that many young people today do not interpret Pancasila as the foundation of the state and its philosophy.
In the reading of Pancasila, the Ludruk Arboyo group requires all visitors or spectators to follow the Reader. This is part of the discourse dissemination carried out by the Ludruk Arboyo group. And it serves as the transmission of values to the audience that Pancasila must remain in the minds of the people.
Through this dance, Arboyo wants to show that Pancasila is not always understood rigidly. It is no longer studied textually as taught in schools or universities. However, Pancasila can also spread its discourse through art, which is close to society. Thus, society can get to know and reflect on Pancasila through a more enjoyable medium than the world of education alone.
This dance not only has a dissemination function but also simultaneously marks the character of the Ludruk Arboyo group—as one of the Pakem Ludruk groups. Because the owner of this dance is only this Ludruk group, and there is no other Ludruk group in Surabaya that has this dance. This dance is an educational tool created by the Ludruk Arboyo group so that society always remembers the identity of its nation, namely the foundation of the Indonesian state.
The Garuda dance was created by the wife of the late Cak Lupus, namely Nonik. The woman, commonly called Bunda Nonik, has replaced the role of the late Cak Lupus as the leader of Arboyo. Since then, Nonik has brought a renewal to her Ludruk group by adding the Garuda Dance at the beginning of the performance.
In an interview, Nonik—as the leader of Arboyo—said that there was a background to the creation of the Garuda Dance. It was caused by her concern over the erosion of the national identity among the wider community, especially Arek Suroboyo. This can be seen from the many young people, parents, and even state officials who do not memorize Pancasila. Therefore, she created this dance along with the reading of Pancasila to re-narrate Pancasila in the public space.
Nonik also received support from Lupus—as the chairman of this Ludruk group before his death. He gave support in the form of encouragement to Bunda Nonik to immediately develop the Garuda Dance, which was then followed by the reading of the Pancasila text. The reading is recited by the dancer at the end of the performance, which is then followed by all the audience.
Historically, this dance began to be composed since October 10, 2021, and the Garuda Dance was first publicly performed on November 23, 2021, at the Surabaya Cultural Hall. At that time, Arboyo was invited by the Surabaya City Government in an annual agenda, namely the Surabaya Art and Culture Festival 2021. In that performance, Arboyo presented the Sawunggaling play.
In this distinctive dance of the Arboyo Ludruk group, Nonik mandates that the members who join must learn. This means that members who are part of this Ludruk group are obligated to practice the Garuda dance. Nonik does this because she wants the narrative of love for the nation to be directed not only at the audience but to also start from within the members of Arboyo themselves.
Structurally, after the Garuda dance and the reading of Pancasila are finished, this Ludruk group continues with the traditional elements they have long implemented. These elements include kidungan (Javanese sung poetry), dagelan (comedy) combined with kidungan, and plays interspersed with kidungan. Thus, they always incorporate kidungan in every segment of their performance. Then, they also present a song owned by this Ludruk group, performed by several children of the Arboyo Ludruk Training members.
The addition of both the Garuda Dance and the Arboyo-owned song serves as an educational tool to ensure that society remembers its national identity. This Ludruk group demonstrates that mainstreaming the discourse of nationalism can be done not only in rigid forms such as educational institutions but also through the arts, like Ludruk art.
Therefore, the Arboyo Ludruk group uses Ludruk art as an educational medium for both the society and the internal members of this group. This is shown by their efforts to introduce Pancasila through this dance and teach it to all members of this Ludruk group. As a result, society can reflect more on Pancasila, both philosophically and ideologically.
Adnan’s Poetry: The Absence of The Body
The city is always assumed to be a humanistic space because its presence encompasses the dimensions of human life with all its problems, even though the dimension of humanity in that space begins to be submerged by the relentless passage of time. This causes people to no longer be able to reflect on the corporeality they possess. They can no longer reflect on their own presence, that is, a body that has integrity in urban spaces.
Unfortunately, the body, which stores rationality and modernity, always buries humanity in urban spaces. Urban society is then no longer seen as a real body but as a symbolic one, thus shaping them like a robotic mechanism. This causes their bodies to be consumed by time and their entities folded into an artificial space.
This is what was realized by Adnan—the poet who forged his literary life in the city of Surabaya—who captures the side of life in urban Surabaya with all its busyness in the whirl of time and expanse of space. He captures this restlessness into his latest poetry book titled “The Body That Devours Itself”. This poet attempts to speak out against the condition of Surabaya, crowded with urban noise and development. This work leads to a philosophical reflection owned by Horkheimer—one of the philosophers placed as one of the pioneers of the critical school. He argued that there is a human effort to become rational, but this actually turns the rational human back into something irrational (Sindhunata, 2019:198). This phenomenon is not much different from development that ignores the environmental ecosystem, and the naturalness of nature that also equips humans themselves to survive. Moreover, it stores a phenomenon of a very individualistic social space towards each other’s busyness. From here, Adnan seems to want to present again the dimension of humanity that tries to become gods in themselves without seeing it wholly in a confined condition.
This phenomenon can be seen through the poem titled “11 Bodies in a Surabaya Room” including the poem titled “Searching for Human Body from Urban Body”, Adnan presents various urban society vocabularies that are dense such as city buses, noisy exhausts, motorcycles, train tracks, supermarkets/malls. These diction choices store the side of human life that is forcibly created by themselves as part of the advancement of civilization. Especially how the urban human body begins to lose its own humanity, trapped by the sequence of time especially in lines 23-24 of the poem as follows:
“…oh, how can I see my own head, how can I define myself…”
From this sentence, the poet begins to imagine something separated between the body and the soul or humanity that disappears due to being consumed by each individual’s ego in the dimension of space and time. Because of this, it also threatens the values of Arek Suroboyo regarding life on mutual cooperation, and it is also inscribed with the value of egalitarianism as a concept in unifying social interaction especially in this society (Hadi and Supratiningsih. 2018:398). Moreover, this value also stems from the experience of living together in a society, not from each subjective individual thought (Hadi and Supratiningsih. 2018:398). This simultaneously affirms equality towards each other in thinking without knowing any particular caste. Thus, this principle is built by Arek Suroboyo. They come from egalitarian and cooperative spaces. Not from individualistic life values.
Adnan’s poetry also presents social criticism. This is shown in one of the titles “Buying a Gallon From the Body of God”. The poem juxtaposes God as the highest degree, but it reflects the greed of humans for abundant wealth with the pretext of urban development. This is shown from the phenomenon behind the development that also harbors an act of corruption especially in the ninth stanza of this poem as follows:
“Writing a name or Corrupting, as long as check marked sitting with air conditioning, eating food taken from Mars using jets and helicopters”
moreover, the choice of diction “rolling” as a repetition of diction that frequently appears in the poem stores an image of urban human life’s greed.
Furthermore, the choice of diction “gallon” certainly has a different interpretation. If this poem only used the word “bottle”, it certainly would not store an image of something excessive. A gallon is synonymous with a large water bottle, which of course, means “more” or “wanting to be more,” indicating human life in perpetual lack. In the psychoanalytic view of Lacan, he explains that when humans are born, they will identify themselves through the real, the imaginary, and finally, the symbolic condition. The choice of diction for the gallon, as something excessive, stores a symbolic text condition of human desire (desire). This traps humans in the network of that chain of signifiers (Lacan, 1977: 54-55).
Therefore, the greed for development and the depiction of places in the poem shown in
the following verse:
“luxurious places, black suits, bulging bellies especially gallons”
certainly explains how humans in the urban environment are formed without knowing their own bodies as humans that are hard to find especially in urban environments. His verse contains cynicism towards that life.
Adnan’s poetry presents various social criticisms and reflections on the search for the body in the city of Surabaya, lost in the contained local values and the principle of mutual cooperation that begins to fade due to artificial community life. Thus, these poems then question again how the body is searched for as an autonomous human.
Adnan’s poetry stores a satire embedded in the network of signs in his verses. It is a reflection and re-questioning of the urban community body that has been consumed by the whirl of time and folded into the expanse of space in urban community activities.
Kampong as The Deployment of Arek Subculture
The kampong holds cultural wealth. Its presence is not just as a matter of urban settlement, but this environment also serves as the central locus for the dissemination and development of the Arek subculture during colonialism. They, as the peripheral society of colonial development, designed their cultural life within the kampong.
Unfortunately, the cultural wealth in the kampong is never seen by many people. This phenomenon is always positioned as a development issue. Eventually, it causes life in the kampong to be placed only as a matter of settlement and poverty. This logic, of course, folds the cultural reality occurring in the life of the kampong Arek.
This developmentalist logic is actually also a legacy from the colonial era. In the early days of the emergence of the Gemeente Surabaya, the colonial government also saw that the presence of the kampong was a settlement issue. The kampong Arek were considered to have crowded the settlements located between the elite residential complexes of the European group. This caused the colonial government to have to immediately take action to resolve the issue.
Kampong in Developmentalism Logic
The administrative change of the city of Surabaya in 1906 caused massive development for this city. The colonial government began to build a clean water irrigation system, electric tram transportation, modern ports, and so on. Surabaya turned into a modern city in the style of the Dutch colony (Frederick, 1989). This progress created a settlement issue for Arek Surabaya because their living space was replaced by colonial urban areas.
This indigenous community eventually chose to occupy the narrow space between the spaces of Geemente Surabaya. They occupied kampongs located in narrow alleys and streets not yet paved by the Gemeente government. Due to this housing issue, the colonial government built a residential complex in the Keputran area in 1929 because Arek Surabaya began to crowd the settlements in those kampongs.
The case of moving kampong communities to the residential area in Keputran, Gemeente Surabaya, shows that their settlement was seen by the colonial government as a development issue. Eventually, it led to the resolution of the issue through the relocation of kampong community settlements. It shows the colonial government’s viewpoint towards the indigenous people.
In the period after colonialism, the same approach was still used. Kampongs are always seen as a development issue. The area is always assumed to be a backward living environment and far from development because it harbors issues: slums; poverty, and backwardness. This was the government’s viewpoint afterward in viewing the kampong.
The New Order, known as the development regime, also colored the advancement of kampong life. Because the development program in the kampong was first carried out in 1969, and it was only in 1976 that it received assistance from the World Bank (Silas, 1992). The program had three types of assistance: People Self-help projects, W.R. Soepratman projects, and Urban Kampong Improvement Programme.
Furthermore, these programs encompassed the development of the kampong such as the construction of access roads, drains, health facilities, elementary schools, and garbage bins for cleanliness management. These activities, of course, refer back to the approach used by the colonial government in addressing the housing issues of the indigenous people, that is, through a developmental approach.
The development pattern, in the kampong, will, of course, have implications for how the government and researchers view this living environment. It leads them to see this phenomenon as one of the objects of development. Kampongs are always positioned as an entity that is left behind from the progress of modern life. Its presence must be saved and given certain advancements regarding modern life.
Further, this area is always seen as the settlement of marginal or peripheral groups. The inhabitants within the kampong are always positioned as lower-class society and marginal settlements. The categorization of marginal settlement differences is always based on aspects such as: security, permanent and temporal houses, cheap/expensive sale prices, and accessibility being easy or difficult (Silas, 1989).
On one side, the presence of the kampong is always attached to the logic of development, while on the other hand, its presence actually has a cultural dimension folded within that logic. This cultural dimension is never brought to the surface. However, if traced further, the presence of the Arek subculture is also a phenomenon of the kampong’s presence during colonialism.
Although the presence of this subculture is still debated regarding its tracing and origins, the definite period that can be marked to trace its existence is the colonial period (1900-1942), that is, the transition to becoming the Gemeente Surabaya. Because that period brought about the phenomenon of settlement and identity of the indigenous community, in this context, is the emergence of the Arek subculture.
Kampong as The Locus of Arek Subculture Deployment
The emergence of the Arek subculture is still debated among academics. Some researchers state that this subculture appeared during the 4th to 9th centuries AD. The eruption of Mount Kelud, which erupted 22 times, covered the river surrounding the delta in the Arek subculture area, turning it into a single island (Abdillah, 2007). This phenomenon later shaped the character of the Arek Surabaya.
Because the area of Surabaya, before the eruption of Kelud, was delta-shaped, it caused the Arek community to speak loudly. This habit underlies the tough character of the Arek community. Thus, the natural phenomenon of Mount Kelud led to the formation of the character of the Arek community. The term Arek itself is taken from the Old Javanese term meaning a call for a brother or sister.
Unfortunately, there is no strong historical evidence to prove this thesis. However, the presence of this subculture can be traced to the colonial period because, during that time, a phenomenon of identity for the indigenous people, especially the Arek subculture community, was created. As previously explained, the transition to Gemeente caused settlement issues for the indigenous people.
This phenomenon led to the creation of settlement boundaries between the European elite group and the Arek community. The boundary was between the kampong and the elite settlements. At that time, the Arek Surabaya, as the peripheral society from colonial development, seized urban space by occupying areas between urban areas, that is, the kampong.
Eventually, this led to the Arek community, who were essentially immigrants, forming their cultural identity within the kampong. Thus, the presence of the colonial city is the presence of the kampong that creates this subculture identity. The Arek community is not limited to any specific ethnic or social group. They are immigrants and settlers who share common values, namely Arek Surabaya.
This influences the values associated with Arek Surabaya, characterized by courage, realism, and material progress (Frederick, 1989). Because they are not a specific group or ethnicity but immigrants sharing the same life values, the Arek community further strengthens its cultural and social identity within the kampong. They build these cultural values within that environment.
Therefore, the kampong, in fact, preserves both the social and cultural cohesion of the Arek community. This environment forms the identity of being Arek because, as a community of immigrants and those displaced from their living spaces by colonialism, they build a form of social-cultural identity together. This also marks the emergence of the Arek subculture as a fragment of the parent Javanese culture.
In summary, the kampong is the central locus for the dissemination of Arek culture because the emergence of this subculture stems from the settlement phenomenon during colonialism. It is not just a matter of settlement but also this environment harbors the cultural life of this subculture.
Responsive and Crafting Ludruk Categorisation
The evolution of the times forces the art of Ludruk to adapt to all changes. This adjustment, with the times, is an adaptation in the form of performances. This can be seen through the change from Ludruk Tanggapan (responsive Ludruk performances) to Ludruk Garapan (crafted Ludruk performances). Both have differences because this art form adjusts to the conditions of the times and their environment.
Ludruk Tanggapan is a form of Ludruk performance held in response to specific events, such as weddings, slametan (Javanese ceremonial feasts), or harvest seasons. When these events occur, the performances of this group are always enlivened by the presence of night markets, and the duration of the performance is very long. This performance can start from 9 p.m. until the early morning.
On the other hand, Ludruk Garapan is a performance that usually appears in government agendas, festivals, or competitions. This performance is arranged to suit the market and to shorten the time. In an interview, Arimbi–a Ludruk artist–explained that the structure of Ludruk Tanggapan performances has a longer duration than Ludruk Garapan. The structure of the Ludruk Tanggapan performance is as follows: (I) Opening with Remo dance attractions, (II) Snake dance (III) comedy sketches, (IV) Presentation of the main story or drama, which is the core of the performance.
Unlike the structure of Ludruk Tanggapan, Ludruk Garapan has a shorter duration. This is shown by cutting some parts of the Ludruk Tanggapan structure, including: removing the snake dance performance and reducing the duration of the performance. As a result of this time reduction, this type of Ludruk has a duration of only two to three hours.
The classification of Ludruk Tanggapan and Ludruk Garapan is not new. This phenomenon has been ongoing since the New Order government in the 1990s. At that time, the government had many agendas involving the Ludruk art community. These agendas included festivals, competitions, and government performances.
The numerous events were more directed towards Ludruk Garapan performances. This was marked by a shorter performance duration than Ludruk Tanggapan. This time reduction was adjusted to the sequence of events arranged by the New Order Government.
On the other hand, Ludruk Tanggapan performances were rarely found. Because every Ludruk performance in that period was always under military supervision. This resulted in their inability to perform as freely as before. Ludruk at that time was only emphasized to show the main event, namely the comedy sketches and the presentation of the drama.
After the New Order fell, from the 2000s to 2010, the art of Ludruk once became a favorite entertainment for the public. Ludruk Tanggapan performances became a frequent sight due to the many celebrations inviting Ludruk art. Here, the art activists began to return to the traditional elements of Ludruk art like in the old days. These elements included the Remo dance given a long time, snake dance, comedy sketches, and the presentation of the drama.
The resurgence of this art began to be felt during this period. This is shown through the high enthusiasm of the public to host Ludruk in an event. Although not as massive as in the previous period, this art began to be favored by many modern youths and the elderly because it became a catharsis for the romance of past entertainment.
However, from 2012 to the present, the art of Ludruk has experienced ups and downs in its performances. Ludruk Tanggapan began to lose its appeal to the public. This was caused by the transition in the evolution of the times. The development of various forms of entertainment and spectacles such as television, radio, the internet, and others made Ludruk lose its function as a modern ritual (Azali 2012).
In his writing, Azali shows that the enthusiasts for the art of Ludruk began to decrease due to the development of various forms of entertainment and spectacles. People prefer forms of entertainment that do not require energy to leave the house such as watching television, listening to the radio, and playing on social media. From this change in public habits, Ludruk artists are forced to brainstorm to innovate their performances again, especially artists in urban communities.
Upon closer examination, the phenomenon of Ludruk Garapan is a phenomenon of Ludruk groups in urban areas. Because, Ludruk Garapan groups appeared due to government programs such as festivals or cultural events. The limited performance time at these events causes changes in the structure and duration of performances from Ludruk Garapan groups.
Garapan is one of the forms of Ludruk groups that has most developed in urban areas, especially in Surabaya.
Overall, the phenomenon of Ludruk Tanggapan is a form of adaptation by Ludruk artists to their conditions and environment. This leads to adjustments in the performance style of Ludruk, such as cutting down on the duration and adjusting the structure of the performance.