The 1965 Coupe and The Existence of Gambus Misri

The 1965 Coupe and The Existence of Gambus Misri

Alfian Widi Santoso | Mahasiswa Ilmu Sejarah, Unair | Peneliti Arek Institute

Jombang is a region that intersects many Javanese subcultures, including the Arek, Mataraman, and Pasisiran subcultures. Geographically, Jombang is indeed a region located in the center of East Java, leading to a diverse artistic and cultural landscape in this area. One of the most interesting phenomena is the tension between the Abangan and Putihan groups. This has given rise to a new artistic current in this area, where the art has contexts with the intersection of subcultures and the political conflicts occurring in Jombang.

The class classification has been revealed in the phenomenal book by Clifford Geertz titled “Abangan, Santri, and Priyayi”. Clifford Geertz’s writing may have been refuted in recent research, suggesting that this stratification may only be applicable in the Modjokuto area, not throughout Java (Geertz, 1983). However, it has provided a sufficient depiction of the sociological and anthropological landscape occurring in the Jombang environment because, in the period afterward, the groups in this classification have horizontal conflicts.

In Geertz’s study, it is revealed that these three social trichotomies are an important milestone for examining many things, especially in matters of subculture such as the arts. At the beginning of the 20th century, the priyayi could already be eliminated in this differentiation, as they were preoccupied with their own worldly affairs due to the education program from the ethical politics, coupled with the weakening influence of this group itself. Eventually, in this group classification, only Abangan and Putihan remained.

Unfortunately, both the Abangan and Putihan groups often clashed in a cultural context, during colonialism, the Old Order, and the New Order. This significant conflict eventually led to the emergence of many subcultures due to the situation of the times. This phenomenon proved to heat up further in a cultural context. The political transition from the Old Order to the New Order led to many massacres and acts of exclusion against the Abangan group. This phenomenon led to the emergence of a new art stream from the Putihan group, namely Gambus Misri.

Etymologically, Gambus Misri can be divided into two words: Gambus and Misri. Gambus itself means a form of music that spread in the Malay region, and Misri means Egypt, as Egypt is one of the hubs or qiblas of Gambus music itself. One of the factors is the emergence of the singer Umi Kulthum, a very famous artist of her time. Even so, Gambus Misri would later innovate on its own regarding the music it used, especially with the emergence of A. Kadir to Nasida Ria. Additionally, Gambus Misri also follows the Zapin dance pattern, and its comedy is based on Stambul comedy (Sugiarti: 2017).

This article attempts to explore the political and cultural domains that led to the emergence of the Gambus Misri phenomenon in Jombang. This is closely related to the social trichotomy researched by Geertz, as Jombang is not exempt from the cultural phenomena he described. Additionally, numerous Islamic boarding schools (pesantren) are established, and the agrarian community is widespread across the countryside (Dewi, 2019).

The emergence of Gambus Misri represents the santri community’s unease with their entertainment, heavily reliant on religious norms, especially Islam. Especially during the heyday of Ludruk art, which was the only form of entertainment among the lower-middle-class communities, was banned in the pesantren social system around the 1960s. In an interview, Nasrul Ilahi—a Jombang cultural figure—explained the reason for the prohibition of Ludruk art in the Putihan group, stating:

“Ludruk, from the strict santri perspective that follows Molimo teachings, is considered entertainment for people without religion, as Ludruk performances at that time were closely associated with drinking alcohol, sex, gambling, and other sinful activities.”

From this explanation, for the Putihan group, Ludruk art was considered a deviation from religious values. Yet, Ludruk is a performing art that carries a dimension of populism. On the other hand, both the santri and abangan groups shared the same goal: to be free from colonial shackles.

“The kyais could only recommend their students to seek entertainment typical of pesantren, such as the Zapin dance or playing the gambus. Interestingly, people outside the santri community who did not like Ludruk (notably considered negative entertainment at the time) heard about this, and eventually, those outside the pesantren attempted to acculturate Ludruk with pesantren arts. Finally, around one or two decades after Ludruk appeared; Gambus Misri was created from the collective idea of the community,” said Nasrul Ilahi.

In the interview, Nasrul narrated the background of the emergence of this art based on the tension between these two groups because, but Gambus Misri itself also adapted Ludruk art patterns. The significant difference lies in the context of the storyline, comedy, dance, and musical accompaniment, which are more Islamic in nature.

During the Old Order era, there was another polemic between these two social groups. At that time, both arts were always tied to political contests, especially as these contests had segregation and horizontal conflicts, such as differences in groups and teachings represented by the Abangan and Putihan trichotomy.

This political contestation also extended to cultural issues, even worse than during the colonial period. This is evident in the hostility between communist and religious groups. Indeed, many unclear accusations were made between these two groups. In cultural matters, communists had Lekra (People’s Cultural Institution) as an underbow in cultural issues. In this context, Lekra always sponsored Ludruk performances. This is evident in the National Lekra Congress’s decision regarding Film and Drama Art, which stated that in Drama Art, Lekra had the task to investigate, explore, abandon, and develop all kinds of drama that live among the people, supported by one of its work programs to endeavor ideological and artistic education (Yulianti & Dahlan, 2008).

Eventually, through the decision of the National Lekra Congress, it became a marker for future cultural conflicts. Unavoidably, in the ’60s, the tension between the Abangan (Lekra) group and the Putihan group intensified because Ludruk raised very controversial storylines at that time. For example, two famous storylines of its time were “Gusti Allah Ngunduh Mantu” and “Malaikat Kimpoy” (Tempo, 2013). This caused the Putihan group to become greatly alarmed. Even in Kedungsari, Sumobito, Jombang, the community there tried to compete with Ludruk, which was heavily sponsored by Lekra, by establishing Gambus Misri “Bintang Sembilan”—the naming refers to the majority of people in Kedungsari village being members of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU).

This cultural conflict continued until the eruption of the 1965 tragedy, which ended the era of Ludruk due to its storylines that ignited the anger of the Putihan group. However, Ludruk and Gambus Misri have closeness because both arts are tied to the lower class of society, and there were no other entertainments. According to Nasrul Ilahi:

“In Sumobito around the 1960s, Ludruk and Gambus Misri performances alternated, for example, Ludruk in the first week and Gambus Misri in the second week, a phenomenon that continued until Ludruk went dormant due to the events of 1965”

On the other hand, following the turmoil of 1965, it is suspected that many Ludruk performers sought refuge within the Gambus Misri group, as these Ludruk players did not want to be affected by the massacre and exclusion of the Abangan group. This is because Ludruk artists were always associated with the Abangan group, which was notably considered the underbelly of the PKI (Communist Party of Indonesia).

In short, the art of Gambus Misri emerged due to tensions between the Abangan and Putihan groups. Due to this tension, the Putihan group introduced a new stream of art with Islamic dimensions. This art once filled the cultural space of the Jombang community alongside Ludruk art, but during the bloody events of 1965, Gambus Misri became a haven for Ludruk artists who did not want to be eliminated and killed.

Warna Budaya: The Kampong’s Ludruk

Warna Budaya: The Kampong’s Ludruk

Alvianta Virgosa. Pendampingan Arek.

In Surabaya, the existence of Ludruk art is increasingly marginalized day by day. It’s evident from the difficulty of finding performances of this art form, leading many people to think that it has become extinct. Even the younger generation, who are the future bearers, are unaware of Ludruk. This critical condition for the sustainability of this art form has caused concern among Ludruk activists and lovers in the Pagesangan Subdistrict, prompting them to create a community Ludruk group, Warna Budaya Pagesangan.

Warna Budaya is a community Ludruk group. This Ludruk group has a training place or “tobong” in the Pagesangan area, Jambangan district, Surabaya city. The group was formed through the initiative of the Pagesangan neighborhood residents. They are also fully supported by local institutions, namely the Community Empowerment Institution of the Subdistrict (LPMK), and the group is led by Bambang Sugeng, who also serves as the chairman of this institution.

Seeing the concern for the Ludruk art, Bambang and the residents of Pagesangan formed this Ludruk group. This concern, in fact, bore fruit because there are now 20 actors and crew members in Warna Budaya. The number of group members shows that Ludruk art in this area is of interest to the local residents since most of its members are taken from the village’s community where this Ludruk group is based.

Although this Ludruk group was formed and filled mostly by village residents, the composition of their members also includes several art activists from other groups. This is intended to accommodate art activists in expressing their art since many Ludruk groups currently still cannot hold performances. This has caused other Ludruk artists to be unable to work in this art form anymore. Thus, this space is greatly utilized by these artists to get involved in the artistic activities of the Ludruk group Warna Budaya.

The involvement of artists from other Ludruk groups, in fact, resonates with the goal of this Ludruk group, which is the spirit to preserve the Ludruk art. They also want to reintroduce this art to their village, stemming from this Ludruk group’s concern that many children in the village are starting not to recognize Ludruk art.

In an interview, Bambang—as the chairman of the Ludruk group Warna Budaya—explained that the formation of this Ludruk group was based on the village residents’ concern for the Ludruk art that was increasingly unheard. They missed the Ludruk-style gamelan beat and its comedy. As a result, the younger generation could no longer recognize Ludruk art. From the residents’ concern for this original art of Surabaya, a desire to preserve and introduce Ludruk art to the next generation was formed.

On the other hand, compared to other Ludruk groups, this Ludruk group could still be considered very new. Most Ludruk groups were formed in the 90s, and the latest was concluded in 2016. While Warna Budaya was only formed in September 2018. However, the presence of this Ludruk group has provided ample evidence that the village, in the Arek subculture environment, longs for this art. This is demonstrated by the large community involvement, both from the audience and direct involvement in artistic activities.

However, the spirit of this Ludruk group in reviving this art is no less than that of the old Ludruk groups. From 2018 to 2019, they have performed several times, attracting a large audience, especially from the Pagesangan residents themselves, as they often perform in their village area. The crowd density attending these performances shows that Ludruk art is indeed missed by the Arek-Arek village.

In addition to the villagers’ longing for the art, the residents of Pagesangan themselves have a high enthusiasm because Warna Budaya is a Ludruk group unique to their village. This also marks the village community’s solidarity with the initiative from their own brethren. They always fully support all the artistic activities of this Ludruk group, proven by the villagers’ eagerness to always actively participate, both in terms of presence—as a form of appreciation—and involvement in the creative process.

Unfortunately, from 2020 to 2021, this Ludruk group had to pause its activities due to the Covid pandemic, forcing them to take a break. Although Warna Budaya experienced a downturn, after the decrease in virus spread, the group resumed training to regain their performance level. They always conduct training and regular meetings at their training location in the Pagesangan Subdistrict.

As Indonesia manages the pandemic better, this Ludruk group has re-emerged. They have performed three times in the last three months, holding their first performance after the pause in November. It was held in the Pagesangan Subdistrict field, attended by the Arek Institute’s accompanying team. This was the initial meeting of the accompanying team with this Ludruk group.

The performance marked the beginning of their subsequent shows. Due to the overwhelming enthusiasm for that performance, they held a second performance on December 18, 2021. At the second performance, the audience once again filled the entire venue. The seating for the audience was even full and could not accommodate other spectators, resulting in many audience members crowding and standing just to enjoy this Ludruk group’s performance.

Interestingly, the audience for this performance was not only from the Pagesangan residents, but many people from outside the village also attended. They successfully expanded their audience reach. This was possible because this Ludruk group employed a different approach from the old-style Ludruk groups. This Ludruk group leveraged the important role of social media, especially WhatsApp, to distribute their performance pamphlets from one group to another.

Additionally, this Ludruk group also succeeded in choosing a performance location. They held their second performance in a very strategic place, namely the area of Street Vendors (PKL) for religious tourism on the North side of the Al-Akbar Mosque. This simultaneously provided an economic stimulus to the surrounding merchant group. Their performance also attracted visitors to shop for snacks and drinks in the merchant area. The PKL, usually quiet of visitors on that day, had their merchandise swept clean.

In short, the presence of the Warna Budaya Ludruk group represents a phenomenal emergence and is like an oasis. This group marks the re-emergence of the village Ludruk group, which once occurred in the 90s, but at that time, it was in the form of village theater groups scattered in the Arek environment. This simultaneously heralds a new wave in Ludruk art, namely village Ludruk.

Alvianta Virgosa. Pendampingan Arek.

In Surabaya, the existence of Ludruk art is increasingly marginalized day by day. It’s evident from the difficulty of finding performances of this art form, leading many people to think that it has become extinct. Even the younger generation, who are the future bearers, are unaware of Ludruk. This critical condition for the sustainability of this art form has caused concern among Ludruk activists and lovers in the Pagesangan Subdistrict, prompting them to create a community Ludruk group, Warna Budaya Pagesangan.

Warna Budaya is a community Ludruk group. This Ludruk group has a training place or “tobong” in the Pagesangan area, Jambangan district, Surabaya city. The group was formed through the initiative of the Pagesangan neighborhood residents. They are also fully supported by local institutions, namely the Community Empowerment Institution of the Subdistrict (LPMK), and the group is led by Bambang Sugeng, who also serves as the chairman of this institution.

Seeing the concern for the Ludruk art, Bambang and the residents of Pagesangan formed this Ludruk group. This concern, in fact, bore fruit because there are now 20 actors and crew members in Warna Budaya. The number of group members shows that Ludruk art in this area is of interest to the local residents since most of its members are taken from the village’s community where this Ludruk group is based.

Although this Ludruk group was formed and filled mostly by village residents, the composition of their members also includes several art activists from other groups. This is intended to accommodate art activists in expressing their art since many Ludruk groups currently still cannot hold performances. This has caused other Ludruk artists to be unable to work in this art form anymore. Thus, this space is greatly utilized by these artists to get involved in the artistic activities of the Ludruk group Warna Budaya.

The involvement of artists from other Ludruk groups, in fact, resonates with the goal of this Ludruk group, which is the spirit to preserve the Ludruk art. They also want to reintroduce this art to their village, stemming from this Ludruk group’s concern that many children in the village are starting not to recognize Ludruk art.

In an interview, Bambang—as the chairman of the Ludruk group Warna Budaya—explained that the formation of this Ludruk group was based on the village residents’ concern for the Ludruk art that was increasingly unheard. They missed the Ludruk-style gamelan beat and its comedy. As a result, the younger generation could no longer recognize Ludruk art. From the residents’ concern for this original art of Surabaya, a desire to preserve and introduce Ludruk art to the next generation was formed.

On the other hand, compared to other Ludruk groups, this Ludruk group could still be considered very new. Most Ludruk groups were formed in the 90s, and the latest was concluded in 2016. While Warna Budaya was only formed in September 2018. However, the presence of this Ludruk group has provided ample evidence that the village, in the Arek subculture environment, longs for this art. This is demonstrated by the large community involvement, both from the audience and direct involvement in artistic activities.

However, the spirit of this Ludruk group in reviving this art is no less than that of the old Ludruk groups. From 2018 to 2019, they have performed several times, attracting a large audience, especially from the Pagesangan residents themselves, as they often perform in their village area. The crowd density attending these performances shows that Ludruk art is indeed missed by the Arek-Arek village.

In addition to the villagers’ longing for the art, the residents of Pagesangan themselves have a high enthusiasm because Warna Budaya is a Ludruk group unique to their village. This also marks the village community’s solidarity with the initiative from their own brethren. They always fully support all the artistic activities of this Ludruk group, proven by the villagers’ eagerness to always actively participate, both in terms of presence—as a form of appreciation—and involvement in the creative process.

Unfortunately, from 2020 to 2021, this Ludruk group had to pause its activities due to the Covid pandemic, forcing them to take a break. Although Warna Budaya experienced a downturn, after the decrease in virus spread, the group resumed training to regain their performance level. They always conduct training and regular meetings at their training location in the Pagesangan Subdistrict.

As Indonesia manages the pandemic better, this Ludruk group has re-emerged. They have performed three times in the last three months, holding their first performance after the pause in November. It was held in the Pagesangan Subdistrict field, attended by the Arek Institute’s accompanying team. This was the initial meeting of the accompanying team with this Ludruk group.

The performance marked the beginning of their subsequent shows. Due to the overwhelming enthusiasm for that performance, they held a second performance on December 18, 2021. At the second performance, the audience once again filled the entire venue. The seating for the audience was even full and could not accommodate other spectators, resulting in many audience members crowding and standing just to enjoy this Ludruk group’s performance.

Interestingly, the audience for this performance was not only from the Pagesangan residents, but many people from outside the village also attended. They successfully expanded their audience reach. This was possible because this Ludruk group employed a different approach from the old-style Ludruk groups. This Ludruk group leveraged the important role of social media, especially WhatsApp, to distribute their performance pamphlets from one group to another.

Additionally, this Ludruk group also succeeded in choosing a performance location. They held their second performance in a very strategic place, namely the area of Street Vendors (PKL) for religious tourism on the North side of the Al-Akbar Mosque. This simultaneously provided an economic stimulus to the surrounding merchant group. Their performance also attracted visitors to shop for snacks and drinks in the merchant area. The PKL, usually quiet of visitors on that day, had their merchandise swept clean.

In short, the presence of the Warna Budaya Ludruk group represents a phenomenal emergence and is like an oasis. This group marks the re-emergence of the village Ludruk group, which once occurred in the 90s, but at that time, it was in the form of village theater groups scattered in the Arek environment. This simultaneously heralds a new wave in Ludruk art, namely village Ludruk.

Time, City, Body

Time, City, Body

Anugrah Yulianto Rachman–Nugi. Peneliti Arek Institute.

The work “People Walking from Front and Back” is an adaptation from a poem published on the Arek Institute website. This piece is an exploration of the body by Adnan Guntur while living in the city of Surabaya. He records the turmoil and bustle of urban life he experiences. This is poured out from the lines of his poetry, and through body movements and the concept of a performance art video that he presented for the first time through Sanggar Arek.

The adaptation of this work was also assisted by visual videographer Bernadus Deo Puspito. Both Adnan and Deo worked on this video very seriously. They engaged in long dialogues and discussions before creating this work. Deo, as the producer-videographer of this work, successfully captured the dimension of confusion and the bustle of urban society because that is the crucial point of this project. In this work, the dimension of the body and the busyness of urban life are very apparent.

Broadly speaking, this work actually delivers a revisit to the poem by Afrizal Malna titled “The Century that Runs”. That work can be said to have thematic intersections with Adnan’s work, namely the busyness of society regarding routines that are artificial and the busyness of modern human work. Afrizal tries to capture the life of this modern century that places humans always chased by time.

“Time doesn’t want to stop, hammer.

Time doesn’t want to stop.

A thousand clocks point to different times.

Everyone walks on their own, hammer.”

Afrizal questions the life of modern society that is chased by time. Humans, as if, are placed by him as people living in a running century. Time doesn’t want to stop, and they are chased by it.

Different from Afrizal, of course, Adnan tries to absorb the busyness of urban humans with his body experience during his literary life in the city of Surabaya. His body is placed by him as a figure disgusted with the noise of urban life. This noise is brought up in the background of this video’s work, placed among busy streets. The background depicts the coming and going of people walking from front and back—consistent with the title of this work.

Meanwhile, his sense of disgust is shown in the facial expressions and body movements during short scenes in this video. Initially, he shows disgust in his facial expressions. Then, he walks very slowly, which is in stark contrast to the background of people walking fast and bustling. The slow movement of his body, while walking, is a stark contrast to the background that is very fast and busy. This simultaneously signifies that he wants to reflect on human movement.

In that section, Adnan seems to reflect on society’s life to re-examine the dimension of time. He seems to say, “Is it time that runs too fast, or is it me walking too slowly?”. It shows a question about the life of urban society that has been shaped in such a way by their respective busyness. They walk on the streets as if being chased by a giant figure, wanting to hunt them, named Kala. Everyone is running from it, bustling in the streets.

Talking about time, this issue has not only been discussed by poets like Adnan or Afrizal. A renowned musician, Ebiet G Ade, for example, in his work titled “Menjaring Matahari” (Catching the Sun), also presents a reflection of human life on time. He questions the movement of time that increasingly crushes human life.

“The wheels of time crush us

Dragged staggering

Indeed, life is constantly pursued

Racing against time”

However, Ebiet is very pessimistic in viewing time because humans seem to be experiencing a disaster because of it, and nothing can save them. He wraps it with a religious spice that only God can save humans.

Besides the matter of time, there is a dimension of rebellion brought up in this work. This becomes more tangible when Adnan starts to put a black plastic bag over his body. This simultaneously indicates a rise in tension from the dynamics of this performance. The plastic covers half of his body. After walking very slowly, Adnan wears the plastic, and he begins to move his hands and head. His body seems to want to rebel to break free from something that shackles him. He keeps walking until he gets smaller and sits with the plastic covering his entire body.

The camera then focuses more on his body rebelling against something that entirely shackles him. His body is not visible. All that is there is the black plastic wrapping his entire body. No matter how hard he rebels, the plastic still covers him. The scene becomes more intense and tense. However, eventually, the body stops rebelling. It just lies down. Surrendering itself and defeated by the object attached to his body.

Perhaps, Ebiet is right that no one can fight against time. Similarly, with Adnan in this performance. He is powerless. No matter how much he rebels, he is still subdued. He is devoured and can only surrender his body to time. His body lies powerless. Humans can only rebel against time until they are defeated by themselves. Such defeat comes when he clings to death. The final part of this performance wants to say just that.

At least, his body has tried to rebel against those shackles. Even though he lies stiff, defeated by Kala, he has attempted to fight back.

Luntas: The New Wave of A Ludruk Troupe

Luntas: The New Wave of A Ludruk Troupe

Anugrah Yulianto Rachman–Nugi. Peneliti Arek Institute.

The art of Ludruk is always undergoing updated. This doesn’t mean that this art form is like an ornament that can’t be enhanced or changed. Change is something absolute in its essence because Ludruk is like an organism. It will evolve and grow according to the conditions of the times and its environment. This is demonstrated by one of the pioneering Ludruk groups, Luntas.

Luntas is a Ludruk group that emerged in the post-New Order (Orba) era, roughly born in 2016. The age of this Ludruk group can be marked through its 6th anniversary, titled “Anniversary Nemta6en,” held on January 23rd recently. To commemorate it, a celebration event was held at Mbah Cokro’s eatery in Surabaya, and the play staged was titled “Babad Alas Surabaya: Jaka Jumput.”

Through this performance, Luntas continues to show its consistency as a pioneering Ludruk group. For 6 years of creating, this group has brought so much freshness to the world of Ludruk art, especially in Surabaya. The refreshment in their anniversary performance is shown in the promotion of the performance and comedy on stage.

They actively promote and introduce through social media. They package it differently from old-style Ludruk groups. If, in the past, before the arrival of this group, Ludruk art was promoted using megaphones—by going around the village—or written on a bor board—the term used by Ludruk artists for a blackboard advertising the play to be staged—then Luntas presents it differently.

This Ludruk group uses audio-visual media in the form of promotional videos for the play they will perform. They frame it with action film-style videos and very contemporary style. This can be seen on the Facebook page of one of Luntas’ founders, Roberts Bayoned. The one-minute video presents information about the play to be performed at the event.

Moreover, this Ludruk group has also frequently documented every performance they have. Then, they upload the recordings to digital media, especially YouTube. These recordings can be accessed through the YouTube channel of SMC Mediavisitama or Ludruk Luntas Indonesia Channel. There is so much documentation of this group’s performances on both channels.

The promotion and documentation pattern of this Ludruk group’s performances have shown a change within this art form. Ludruk artists are not only starting to follow the current of the times, but they also still keep this art form enjoyable for a wide audience. Thus, Ludruk can broaden its audience reach to the virtual public.

Additionally, this renewal is not only manifested through these aspects, but this group also continuously renews its comedy style. Because, based on the acronym of this group, they carry the slogan, “Ludrukan Nom-noman Tjap Arek Suroboyo” (Luntas). This slogan also brings forth a comedy style that is very attached to this group.

This comedy style was also presented in this performance. Luntas presents a very contemporary comedy style and outside the usual conventions of Ludruk groups. In an interview, Robert explained that he was inspired by Japanese comedy style that uses a blackman to provide background effects in each of its shows. This figure wears black clothing, blending with the stage background, as if invisible as a character in the play.

He gave effects to the robes worn by one of the characters in his performance. For example, in a scene where Jaka Jumput is tempted during his meditation, this blackman figure provides an effect with the writing saying “Waduh digudo setan”. The scenario occurs when Jaka Jumput is meditating, and a demon wearing a black robe is disturbing his meditation. Then the Blackman places this writing above Jaka Jumput’s head.

In addition to the Japanese-style comedy figure, such as the use of a Blackman, the ambiance of this play’s performance is filled with unusual costumes and surprises compared to most Ludruk plays. Again, in the midst of his meditation, a transgender woman comes and teases Jaka Jumput. Then, the blackman provides another writing effect like: “Jancok! Banci Pisan Melok2 Nggudo”. Interestingly, the transgender character in this play does not wear the typical cross-dressing costumes of old-style Ludruk groups. She wears a Japanese anime costume, Sailor Moon, wearing an orange wig—exactly like one of the characters in that anime.

Even during a battle scene of Prince Sumenep in the play, it is presented in a very unique and different way. This Ludruk group chose to provide the background sound effects of that battle with songs from that anime. The song adds a dimension of tension as well as humor to the battle scenario because not many Ludruk groups use a comedy concept like this group.

The renewal of both the play and the promotional pattern turns out to be a form that has indeed been made a character of this Ludruk group. This was stated by Robert during the opening of this event. He mentioned that Luntas has been striving for 6 years to create a generation of audience because Ludruk art, in the present time, needs to have an audience reach from the current generation.

Therefore, Luntas adopts the slogan that it is a young and modern Ludruk group styled like Surabaya. This is because, in their performances, they always incorporate the cultural language of the Arek community, which is characterized by Surabaya terminology. This is also marked by the comedy style of this Ludruk group, which is not the same as most Ludruk groups. Luntas presents a comedy dimension that is far different from other Ludruk groups.

In short, the Ludruk group Luntas is an oasis in the midst of the Ludruk art world. This group brings a breath of fresh air in all its Ludruk art activities. This renewal has proven capable of making this Ludruk group a group with its own unique characteristics and identity.

Arek Surabaya Reclaim the Urban Sphere

Arek Surabaya Reclaim the Urban Sphere

M. Khoirurrizqi Awalalul M | Mahasiswa Ilmu Sejarah Universitas Jember | Jurnalis di Lembaga Pers Mahasiswa Tegal Boto |

 

At the beginning of the 20th century, many lands in the Surabaya region were owned by private individuals (Private sector). They rented the land to residents for housing. The prevailing relationship in this rental system was that workers had to submit agricultural produce and rent money that must be paid to the landlords. This condition has been occurring since the implementation of the Agrarische Wet in 1870. This regulation allowed private parties with large capital to obtain land ownership rights (Erfpacht) for up to 75 years.

Residents who had built houses on private land had to be evicted when the owner sold the land to the Gemeente (Municipal Government) of Surabaya. This case occurred frequently in the southern region of Surabaya as a target for urban development. Hageman (1859) wrote that since the mid-19th century, the southern region was largely controlled by private individuals utilizing residents as laborers to cultivate open land. According to him, many residents at that time were still rural, with the majority being farmers.

The focus of development carried out by the Gemeente Surabaya was to serve the increasing number of Europeans arriving. The purchase of private land began in the Keputran Lor area. Tillema, as quoted in the book “Merebut Ruang Kota: Aksi Rakyat Miskin Kota Surabaya 1900-1960” by Purnawan Basundoro, stated that the private land in the Keputran Lor area was sold by Tjhin Tjhik Kong Soe in 1888. The buyer was the housing developer company ‘Bouwmaatschappij Keputran’. The development process of the area began in the early 1900s.

As a result of the development, many residents who were evicted then occupied kampongs on the outskirts of elite European housing. They, unknowingly, formed the Arek subculture. One of their recorded movements was civil disobedience by several kampongs in Surabaya in 1915-1916. In relation to the phenomena of the twentieth century, this effort also cannot be separated from the national movement wagon. Even two figures recorded as the engines of this disobedience, namely: Mas Prawirodihardjo and Pak Siti, were members of Sarekat Islam (SI). SI is one of the political parties that consciously fought against the arbitrariness of landlords in the city of Surabaya.

Mas Prawirodihardjo was a resident of Kampung Ondomohen (One of the old settlements in the Genteng District, Surabaya) who worked as a construction supervisor. Meanwhile, Pak Siti alias Sadikin was a resident of Kampung Kedondong, Keputran Lor. He worked as a railroad foreman (Purnawan, 2009). Both believed that residents should not have to pay rent for private land that was actually theirs.

Specifically, in 1915 to 1916, the thoughts of Mas Prawirodihardjo and Pak Siti alias Sadikin spread widely in response to the evictions in the process of developing European settlements.

The form of civil disobedience at that time was the refusal of all obligations to private landlords. The refusal included not paying land rent and not giving a portion of agricultural produce. Residents also refused the village heads chosen by private individuals and appointed their own village heads. Some of them deliberately cut down trees and used the vacant private land as if it was their own.

Besides the residents of Keputran Lor, who directly felt the impact of eviction, unrest also spread to many kampongs in Surabaya occupying private lands. Purnawan recorded that in 1916, many occupants of private lands, which had not yet been sold or developed, filed lawsuits against the landlords at the Landraad. At that time, the court’s decision was in favor of the landlords. They then appealed to a higher court, the Raad Van Justitie, which eventually decided that the occupants of private lands had proprietary rights (zakelijke rechten) on those lands. Moreover, on September 12, 1917, the Raad Van Justitie court issued a decision granting land ownership rights to the occupants of private lands, provided they fulfilled certain obligations to the landlords.

The civil disobedience to reclaim rights to land and urban space shows that the solidarity of Arek Surabaya, built through kampongs, had an intellectual-organic nature. They realized that the more expensive European housing was built, the smaller their participation space in the city center would become. Not to mention the construction of industries that made certain skills or education a requirement for employment. The transition from rural to urban society experienced by Arek Surabaya turned out to be able to find its own form of solidarity from traditional to urban in the kampong community movement.