Alih Wahana Karya Orang-Orang yang Berjalan dari Depan dan Belakang

Alih Wahana Karya Orang-Orang yang Berjalan dari Depan dan Belakang

Adnan Guntur – Komite Sanggar Arek.

Adnan Guntur menerbitkan karya alih wahana yang berangkat dari karya puisi–“Orang-Orang yang Berjalan dari Depan dan Belakang”–yang telah diterbitkannya. Ia merbitkan karya puisi dalam buku puisinya yang berjudul “Tubuh Mati Menyantap Dirinya Sendiri”. Sebelumnya, ia menghalih wahanakan karyanya dalam bentuk karya seni pertunjukan yang diterbitkan oleh Sanggar Arek di kanal Youtubenya. Sekarang, Ia mencoba untuk bermain dalam wahana baru, yaitu karya seni lukis.

Karya ini dilukis sendiri oleh Adnan Guntur. Ia menumpahkan keresahan dalam puisinya ke atas kanvas yang berukura 15×20. Ia memilih untuk menggunakan media kanvas.

Time, City, Body

Time, City, Body

Anugrah Yulianto Rachman–Nugi. Peneliti Arek Institute.

The work “People Walking from Front and Back” is an adaptation from a poem published on the Arek Institute website. This piece is an exploration of the body by Adnan Guntur while living in the city of Surabaya. He records the turmoil and bustle of urban life he experiences. This is poured out from the lines of his poetry, and through body movements and the concept of a performance art video that he presented for the first time through Sanggar Arek.

The adaptation of this work was also assisted by visual videographer Bernadus Deo Puspito. Both Adnan and Deo worked on this video very seriously. They engaged in long dialogues and discussions before creating this work. Deo, as the producer-videographer of this work, successfully captured the dimension of confusion and the bustle of urban society because that is the crucial point of this project. In this work, the dimension of the body and the busyness of urban life are very apparent.

Broadly speaking, this work actually delivers a revisit to the poem by Afrizal Malna titled “The Century that Runs”. That work can be said to have thematic intersections with Adnan’s work, namely the busyness of society regarding routines that are artificial and the busyness of modern human work. Afrizal tries to capture the life of this modern century that places humans always chased by time.

“Time doesn’t want to stop, hammer.

Time doesn’t want to stop.

A thousand clocks point to different times.

Everyone walks on their own, hammer.”

Afrizal questions the life of modern society that is chased by time. Humans, as if, are placed by him as people living in a running century. Time doesn’t want to stop, and they are chased by it.

Different from Afrizal, of course, Adnan tries to absorb the busyness of urban humans with his body experience during his literary life in the city of Surabaya. His body is placed by him as a figure disgusted with the noise of urban life. This noise is brought up in the background of this video’s work, placed among busy streets. The background depicts the coming and going of people walking from front and back—consistent with the title of this work.

Meanwhile, his sense of disgust is shown in the facial expressions and body movements during short scenes in this video. Initially, he shows disgust in his facial expressions. Then, he walks very slowly, which is in stark contrast to the background of people walking fast and bustling. The slow movement of his body, while walking, is a stark contrast to the background that is very fast and busy. This simultaneously signifies that he wants to reflect on human movement.

In that section, Adnan seems to reflect on society’s life to re-examine the dimension of time. He seems to say, “Is it time that runs too fast, or is it me walking too slowly?”. It shows a question about the life of urban society that has been shaped in such a way by their respective busyness. They walk on the streets as if being chased by a giant figure, wanting to hunt them, named Kala. Everyone is running from it, bustling in the streets.

Talking about time, this issue has not only been discussed by poets like Adnan or Afrizal. A renowned musician, Ebiet G Ade, for example, in his work titled “Menjaring Matahari” (Catching the Sun), also presents a reflection of human life on time. He questions the movement of time that increasingly crushes human life.

“The wheels of time crush us

Dragged staggering

Indeed, life is constantly pursued

Racing against time”

However, Ebiet is very pessimistic in viewing time because humans seem to be experiencing a disaster because of it, and nothing can save them. He wraps it with a religious spice that only God can save humans.

Besides the matter of time, there is a dimension of rebellion brought up in this work. This becomes more tangible when Adnan starts to put a black plastic bag over his body. This simultaneously indicates a rise in tension from the dynamics of this performance. The plastic covers half of his body. After walking very slowly, Adnan wears the plastic, and he begins to move his hands and head. His body seems to want to rebel to break free from something that shackles him. He keeps walking until he gets smaller and sits with the plastic covering his entire body.

The camera then focuses more on his body rebelling against something that entirely shackles him. His body is not visible. All that is there is the black plastic wrapping his entire body. No matter how hard he rebels, the plastic still covers him. The scene becomes more intense and tense. However, eventually, the body stops rebelling. It just lies down. Surrendering itself and defeated by the object attached to his body.

Perhaps, Ebiet is right that no one can fight against time. Similarly, with Adnan in this performance. He is powerless. No matter how much he rebels, he is still subdued. He is devoured and can only surrender his body to time. His body lies powerless. Humans can only rebel against time until they are defeated by themselves. Such defeat comes when he clings to death. The final part of this performance wants to say just that.

At least, his body has tried to rebel against those shackles. Even though he lies stiff, defeated by Kala, he has attempted to fight back.

A Map of Arek Studies

A Map of Arek Studies

Anugrah Yulianto Rachman–Nugi. Peneliti Arek Institute.

Arek Studies, akin to an uncharted map, lacks a clear scholarly framework compared to other thematic studies. This is because there hasn’t been a study that specifically addresses this topic. It is merely seen as intersecting with other academic disciplines without being studied based on a fundamental and rooted scholarly structure.

Scientifically, Arek Studies has yet to establish a foundation like other study topics. Unlike this study, Java Studies, for example, has been around since the imperialist era (Kuitenbrouwer, 2014:89-90). Its presence also followed the wave of academic groups during the Dutch imperialism in the Dutch East Indies. At that time, the Dutch were trying to expand into that territory.

Java Studies actually has a scientific foundation because it has been rooted since a certain period. Moreover, pioneers in its domain have already been mapped out. Unlike Arek Studies, researchers on Java have been investigating this topic since the 19th century, although those studies were conducted for colonial interests. The colonizers needed to understand the landscape and conditions of the society they intended to subdue.

On the other hand, Arek Studies is building its scientific foundation. This step is taken by mapping researchers who have conducted research on this topic. Some authoritative researchers have filled this study area. Among these researchers are Purnawan Basundoro (City Historian), Frederick H. William (City Historian), Freek Colombijn (Urban Anthropologist), Autar Abdillah (Social Researcher), and others.

Implicitly, the researchers mentioned have contributed to providing a research map for this study. They have intersected with this topic in their research results, but it is still very limited to intersecting with their respective academic disciplines. It has not been unified under a specific thematic study domain. However, these researchers have provided a considerable mapping of Arek Studies.

Broadly, their research results can be mapped into two main periodic lines of study. On one side, researchers like Frederick H. William, Purnawan Basundoro, and Freek Colombijn have a research range in the colonial period. Their research looks at the life of the Arek community and colonial society phenomena in Surabaya, the central distribution of the Arek subculture. This means that the emergence of this community is marked by phenomena that appeared during that period.

On the other hand, researchers like Autar Abdillah and Akhudiat place the formation of Arek culture as having occurred since the pre-colonial era. They see the presence of Arek culture as having been formed since this period. This is marked by various phenomena that shaped this culture, such as natural, social, and linguistic phenomena occurring within the Arek subculture environment (Abdillah, 2007) (Akhudiat, 2007).

Based on these studies, Arek Studies actually has a position as a scholarly construct. It shows that this study has intersected with many researchers. However, in terms of scientific basis, Arek Studies has not yet been fully and adequately mapped because the study is still limited to sporadic studies. This situation has led to an initiative to construct a framework for this study.

Through this initiative, Arek Studies can be mapped and developed, contributing to scholarly constructs and addressing issues within the Arek subculture’s life. There are many unresolved issues to this day, such as the cases of Ludruk art born from the Arek community, which also faces problems due to the passage of time.

Therefore, research and studies in this domain are crucial. It can help the Arek community and the academic public to reflect and advance life within this community. To support this work, Arek Studies requires a multi-perspective approach. This effort can be undertaken by building collective studies because it can open up this study map to have a broader horizon.

The spirit of collective study work can be achieved by building studies based on interdisciplinary or multidisciplinary work. This means that individuals from various backgrounds can collaborate to study phenomena within this subculture. This causes the study not only to be limited to a specific academic domain but also to develop itself to engage in dialogue, both academically and non-academically, from various perspectives.

In summary, Arek Studies, as a scholarly construct, has not yet established a deeply rooted and robust foundation. The study is still very sporadic. A significant effort is needed to tie the Arek phenomena into a scholarly domain because such an effort can provide a clear overview of the mapping of this study.

Menemukan Kembali Jaranan di Publik Urban

Menemukan Kembali Jaranan di Publik Urban

Dhanang Pradipta adalah seorang pengabdi artistik–videografi-fotografi | Ia memiliki fokus pada domain kuliner, seni-budaya, dan sejarah []

Kesenian Jaranan kembali lagi ke hadapan publik urban. Itu dapat dilihat melalui pagelaran kelompok Jaranan pada Workshop Seni-Budaya 2019 di Surabaya.

Foto ini menceritakan pagelaran kesenian Jaranan yang muncul di publik urban. Sebab, di tengah kehidupan perkotaan sekarang, kesenian ini tidak pernah lagi melakukan pagelaran di tengah perkotaan, seperti ini. Kelompok-kelompok tersebut selalu mengadakan pagelaran di daerah pinggiran kota Surabaya, atau bahkan hanya di sanggar-sanggar saja. Oleh Karenanya, momen pagelaran kelompok ludruk ini harus diabadikan dalam bentuk fotografi. Karya ini sekaligus menandai kemunculan kembali kesenian Jaranan ke hadapan khalayak umum.

Cerita ini perlu dinarasikan kembali dalam berbagai bentuk sebab, kesenian Jaranan menyimpan kesadaran atas kehidupan berbudaya masyarakat. Adapun, dalam beberapa versi, kesenian ini mengandung cerita hal-ihwal pernikahan Klono Sewandono dengan Dewi Songgo Langit.

Berikut adalah hasil dokumentasi dalam bentuk fotografi atas Pagelaran Kelompok Jaranan pada acara Workshop Seni-Budaya 2019 di Surabaya.

The Existence of Arek Surabaya during the Colonial Period

The Existence of Arek Surabaya during the Colonial Period

Anugrah Yulianto Rachman–Nugi. Peneliti Arek Institute.

Colonialism has shaped the structure of the city of Surabaya, including the aspect of living space. The creation of this city structure has led to the emergence of a boundary between the urban area and the village. This spatial limitation significantly influenced the emergence of Arek Surabaya. For instance, this phenomenon is explored in William H. Frederick’s work titled “City Views and Turmoil: The Birth of the Indonesian Revolution (Surabaya 1926-1946)” (1989).

Frederick traces the history of Surabaya, starting from 1906, a period marked by decentralization due to ethical political policies. This led to the colonial government transforming the city into a Gemeente (Municipality).

Unfortunately, the transformation of Surabaya into a Gemeente further exacerbated inequalities for Arek Surabaya at the time. These inequalities stemmed from the division between Europeans and natives (inlanders), granting special rights to European residents. Although Arek Surabaya and Europeans lived within the same city boundaries, the native residents did not enjoy equal rights as city dwellers.

Moreover, the shift in governance led to rapid modernization in city development, such as the construction of modern ports, clean water purification systems, electric tram transportation, and paved roads. On one hand, Arek Surabaya, as city residents, became “outsiders.” For example, they lived in different land categories from the Europeans.

This difference in land categories is evident in the living spaces of Europeans. It emerged from the distinction between European elite residences and those of the natives. The Darmo area, for instance, was an elite residential complex for Europeans, developed with amenities like zoos, wide asphalt roads, and luxurious houses. In contrast, Arek Surabaya had to settle in spaces within the city that were untouched by municipal development, termed as villages. The natives had to build their civilization and culture within these environments.

Although the concept of a village may seem similar to that of a rural area, they differ in social cohesion and population density. Frederick highlights the social bonds within these village communities, rooted in the background of Arek Surabaya.

Frederick views Arek Surabaya not as a unified ethnic or social group but as migrants and settlers who share a common outlook and tradition, characterized by courage, realism, and material progress. This distinction is not only related to social cohesion in the villages but also marked by differences in living spaces between the village and the city.

Villages within Surabaya are directly bordered by the urban areas of the city. These boundaries are visible and clear, such as large walls, paved roads, or large buildings in European residential areas. All these physical objects have created a separation between village and urban spaces.

In specific cases, such as in 1929, Arek Surabaya was given living space in the Keputran area. The colonial government observed that village life had become increasingly crowded, so the native population needed to be provided with more suitable living spaces. However, the population density could not compete with the concrete jungle in Surabaya, such as restaurants, shops, hotels, and large houses owned by the Dutch.

The Keputran settlement case proves that the relationship between villages and urban areas has created visible boundaries (tangible-border). This marks the peripheral living space of Arek Surabaya. Even in 1921, the Dutch government was already aware of the need to relocate villagers from business centers and Dutch residential areas to more peripheral locations.

The creation of living space boundaries between the village and the city in the Keputran case is a manifestation of the emergence of Arek Surabaya based on the binary relation of city/village. The presence of these boundaries, such as concrete jungles in between, has created stereotypes about the Arek community living in villages.

Thus, according to Frederick’s research, Arek Surabaya emerged from the creation of living space boundaries in the colonial city. They are considered the Other in the context of Surabaya’s development, then dominated by Dutch colonialists. Villages were “left behind” or “marginalized” amidst the city’s progress, marking the term Arek Surabaya with a stigma of village life.

In short, the emergence of Arek Surabaya is actually a social pathology resulting from the city structure built by colonialism, causing Arek Surabaya to occupy a narrow space between urban areas, namely the village.