pusat kajian subkultur arek - Arek Institute

Kampong as The Deployment of Arek Subculture

by Penelitian Arek | Jun 21, 2022 | Kampung

Anugrah Yulianto Rachman. Peneliti Arek Institute.

The kampong holds cultural wealth. Its presence is not just as a matter of urban settlement, but this environment also serves as the central locus for the dissemination and development of the Arek subculture during colonialism. They, as the peripheral society of colonial development, designed their cultural life within the kampong.

Unfortunately, the cultural wealth in the kampong is never seen by many people. This phenomenon is always positioned as a development issue. Eventually, it causes life in the kampong to be placed only as a matter of settlement and poverty. This logic, of course, folds the cultural reality occurring in the life of the kampong Arek.

This developmentalist logic is actually also a legacy from the colonial era. In the early days of the emergence of the Gemeente Surabaya, the colonial government also saw that the presence of the kampong was a settlement issue. The kampong Arek were considered to have crowded the settlements located between the elite residential complexes of the European group. This caused the colonial government to have to immediately take action to resolve the issue.

Kampong in Developmentalism Logic

The administrative change of the city of Surabaya in 1906 caused massive development for this city. The colonial government began to build a clean water irrigation system, electric tram transportation, modern ports, and so on. Surabaya turned into a modern city in the style of the Dutch colony (Frederick, 1989). This progress created a settlement issue for Arek Surabaya because their living space was replaced by colonial urban areas.

This indigenous community eventually chose to occupy the narrow space between the spaces of Geemente Surabaya. They occupied kampongs located in narrow alleys and streets not yet paved by the Gemeente government. Due to this housing issue, the colonial government built a residential complex in the Keputran area in 1929 because Arek Surabaya began to crowd the settlements in those kampongs.

The case of moving kampong communities to the residential area in Keputran, Gemeente Surabaya, shows that their settlement was seen by the colonial government as a development issue. Eventually, it led to the resolution of the issue through the relocation of kampong community settlements. It shows the colonial government’s viewpoint towards the indigenous people.

In the period after colonialism, the same approach was still used. Kampongs are always seen as a development issue. The area is always assumed to be a backward living environment and far from development because it harbors issues: slums; poverty, and backwardness. This was the government’s viewpoint afterward in viewing the kampong.

The New Order, known as the development regime, also colored the advancement of kampong life. Because the development program in the kampong was first carried out in 1969, and it was only in 1976 that it received assistance from the World Bank (Silas, 1992). The program had three types of assistance: People Self-help projects, W.R. Soepratman projects, and Urban Kampong Improvement Programme.

Furthermore, these programs encompassed the development of the kampong such as the construction of access roads, drains, health facilities, elementary schools, and garbage bins for cleanliness management. These activities, of course, refer back to the approach used by the colonial government in addressing the housing issues of the indigenous people, that is, through a developmental approach.

The development pattern, in the kampong, will, of course, have implications for how the government and researchers view this living environment. It leads them to see this phenomenon as one of the objects of development. Kampongs are always positioned as an entity that is left behind from the progress of modern life. Its presence must be saved and given certain advancements regarding modern life.

Further, this area is always seen as the settlement of marginal or peripheral groups. The inhabitants within the kampong are always positioned as lower-class society and marginal settlements. The categorization of marginal settlement differences is always based on aspects such as: security, permanent and temporal houses, cheap/expensive sale prices, and accessibility being easy or difficult (Silas, 1989).

On one side, the presence of the kampong is always attached to the logic of development, while on the other hand, its presence actually has a cultural dimension folded within that logic. This cultural dimension is never brought to the surface. However, if traced further, the presence of the Arek subculture is also a phenomenon of the kampong’s presence during colonialism.

Although the presence of this subculture is still debated regarding its tracing and origins, the definite period that can be marked to trace its existence is the colonial period (1900-1942), that is, the transition to becoming the Gemeente Surabaya. Because that period brought about the phenomenon of settlement and identity of the indigenous community, in this context, is the emergence of the Arek subculture.

Kampong as The Locus of Arek Subculture Deployment

The emergence of the Arek subculture is still debated among academics. Some researchers state that this subculture appeared during the 4th to 9th centuries AD. The eruption of Mount Kelud, which erupted 22 times, covered the river surrounding the delta in the Arek subculture area, turning it into a single island (Abdillah, 2007). This phenomenon later shaped the character of the Arek Surabaya.

Because the area of Surabaya, before the eruption of Kelud, was delta-shaped, it caused the Arek community to speak loudly. This habit underlies the tough character of the Arek community. Thus, the natural phenomenon of Mount Kelud led to the formation of the character of the Arek community. The term Arek itself is taken from the Old Javanese term meaning a call for a brother or sister.

Unfortunately, there is no strong historical evidence to prove this thesis. However, the presence of this subculture can be traced to the colonial period because, during that time, a phenomenon of identity for the indigenous people, especially the Arek subculture community, was created. As previously explained, the transition to Gemeente caused settlement issues for the indigenous people.

This phenomenon led to the creation of settlement boundaries between the European elite group and the Arek community. The boundary was between the kampong and the elite settlements. At that time, the Arek Surabaya, as the peripheral society from colonial development, seized urban space by occupying areas between urban areas, that is, the kampong.

Eventually, this led to the Arek community, who were essentially immigrants, forming their cultural identity within the kampong. Thus, the presence of the colonial city is the presence of the kampong that creates this subculture identity. The Arek community is not limited to any specific ethnic or social group. They are immigrants and settlers who share common values, namely Arek Surabaya.

This influences the values associated with Arek Surabaya, characterized by courage, realism, and material progress (Frederick, 1989). Because they are not a specific group or ethnicity but immigrants sharing the same life values, the Arek community further strengthens its cultural and social identity within the kampong. They build these cultural values within that environment.

Therefore, the kampong, in fact, preserves both the social and cultural cohesion of the Arek community. This environment forms the identity of being Arek because, as a community of immigrants and those displaced from their living spaces by colonialism, they build a form of social-cultural identity together. This also marks the emergence of the Arek subculture as a fragment of the parent Javanese culture.

In summary, the kampong is the central locus for the dissemination of Arek culture because the emergence of this subculture stems from the settlement phenomenon during colonialism. It is not just a matter of settlement but also this environment harbors the cultural life of this subculture.

Responsive and Crafting Ludruk Categorisation

by Penelitian Arek | May 4, 2022 | Arek-Arek

Alvianta Virgosa – Komite Pendampingan Arek

The evolution of the times forces the art of Ludruk to adapt to all changes. This adjustment, with the times, is an adaptation in the form of performances. This can be seen through the change from Ludruk Tanggapan (responsive Ludruk performances) to Ludruk Garapan (crafted Ludruk performances). Both have differences because this art form adjusts to the conditions of the times and their environment.

Ludruk Tanggapan is a form of Ludruk performance held in response to specific events, such as weddings, slametan (Javanese ceremonial feasts), or harvest seasons. When these events occur, the performances of this group are always enlivened by the presence of night markets, and the duration of the performance is very long. This performance can start from 9 p.m. until the early morning.

On the other hand, Ludruk Garapan is a performance that usually appears in government agendas, festivals, or competitions. This performance is arranged to suit the market and to shorten the time. In an interview, Arimbi–a Ludruk artist–explained that the structure of Ludruk Tanggapan performances has a longer duration than Ludruk Garapan. The structure of the Ludruk Tanggapan performance is as follows: (I) Opening with Remo dance attractions, (II) Snake dance (III) comedy sketches, (IV) Presentation of the main story or drama, which is the core of the performance.

Unlike the structure of Ludruk Tanggapan, Ludruk Garapan has a shorter duration. This is shown by cutting some parts of the Ludruk Tanggapan structure, including: removing the snake dance performance and reducing the duration of the performance. As a result of this time reduction, this type of Ludruk has a duration of only two to three hours.

The classification of Ludruk Tanggapan and Ludruk Garapan is not new. This phenomenon has been ongoing since the New Order government in the 1990s. At that time, the government had many agendas involving the Ludruk art community. These agendas included festivals, competitions, and government performances.

The numerous events were more directed towards Ludruk Garapan performances. This was marked by a shorter performance duration than Ludruk Tanggapan. This time reduction was adjusted to the sequence of events arranged by the New Order Government.

On the other hand, Ludruk Tanggapan performances were rarely found. Because every Ludruk performance in that period was always under military supervision. This resulted in their inability to perform as freely as before. Ludruk at that time was only emphasized to show the main event, namely the comedy sketches and the presentation of the drama.

After the New Order fell, from the 2000s to 2010, the art of Ludruk once became a favorite entertainment for the public. Ludruk Tanggapan performances became a frequent sight due to the many celebrations inviting Ludruk art. Here, the art activists began to return to the traditional elements of Ludruk art like in the old days. These elements included the Remo dance given a long time, snake dance, comedy sketches, and the presentation of the drama.

The resurgence of this art began to be felt during this period. This is shown through the high enthusiasm of the public to host Ludruk in an event. Although not as massive as in the previous period, this art began to be favored by many modern youths and the elderly because it became a catharsis for the romance of past entertainment.

However, from 2012 to the present, the art of Ludruk has experienced ups and downs in its performances. Ludruk Tanggapan began to lose its appeal to the public. This was caused by the transition in the evolution of the times. The development of various forms of entertainment and spectacles such as television, radio, the internet, and others made Ludruk lose its function as a modern ritual (Azali 2012).

In his writing, Azali shows that the enthusiasts for the art of Ludruk began to decrease due to the development of various forms of entertainment and spectacles. People prefer forms of entertainment that do not require energy to leave the house such as watching television, listening to the radio, and playing on social media. From this change in public habits, Ludruk artists are forced to brainstorm to innovate their performances again, especially artists in urban communities.

Upon closer examination, the phenomenon of Ludruk Garapan is a phenomenon of Ludruk groups in urban areas. Because, Ludruk Garapan groups appeared due to government programs such as festivals or cultural events. The limited performance time at these events causes changes in the structure and duration of performances from Ludruk Garapan groups.

Garapan is one of the forms of Ludruk groups that has most developed in urban areas, especially in Surabaya.

Overall, the phenomenon of Ludruk Tanggapan is a form of adaptation by Ludruk artists to their conditions and environment. This leads to adjustments in the performance style of Ludruk, such as cutting down on the duration and adjusting the structure of the performance.

Warna Budaya: The Kampong’s Ludruk

by Penelitian Arek | Mar 19, 2022 | Arek-Arek

In Surabaya, the existence of Ludruk art is increasingly marginalized day by day. It’s evident from the difficulty of finding performances of this art form, leading many people to think that it has become extinct. Even the younger generation, who are the future bearers, are unaware of Ludruk. This critical condition for the sustainability of this art form has caused concern among Ludruk activists and lovers in the Pagesangan Subdistrict, prompting them to create a community Ludruk group, Warna Budaya Pagesangan.

Warna Budaya is a community Ludruk group. This Ludruk group has a training place or “tobong” in the Pagesangan area, Jambangan district, Surabaya city. The group was formed through the initiative of the Pagesangan neighborhood residents. They are also fully supported by local institutions, namely the Community Empowerment Institution of the Subdistrict (LPMK), and the group is led by Bambang Sugeng, who also serves as the chairman of this institution.

Seeing the concern for the Ludruk art, Bambang and the residents of Pagesangan formed this Ludruk group. This concern, in fact, bore fruit because there are now 20 actors and crew members in Warna Budaya. The number of group members shows that Ludruk art in this area is of interest to the local residents since most of its members are taken from the village’s community where this Ludruk group is based.

Although this Ludruk group was formed and filled mostly by village residents, the composition of their members also includes several art activists from other groups. This is intended to accommodate art activists in expressing their art since many Ludruk groups currently still cannot hold performances. This has caused other Ludruk artists to be unable to work in this art form anymore. Thus, this space is greatly utilized by these artists to get involved in the artistic activities of the Ludruk group Warna Budaya.

The involvement of artists from other Ludruk groups, in fact, resonates with the goal of this Ludruk group, which is the spirit to preserve the Ludruk art. They also want to reintroduce this art to their village, stemming from this Ludruk group’s concern that many children in the village are starting not to recognize Ludruk art.

In an interview, Bambang—as the chairman of the Ludruk group Warna Budaya—explained that the formation of this Ludruk group was based on the village residents’ concern for the Ludruk art that was increasingly unheard. They missed the Ludruk-style gamelan beat and its comedy. As a result, the younger generation could no longer recognize Ludruk art. From the residents’ concern for this original art of Surabaya, a desire to preserve and introduce Ludruk art to the next generation was formed.

On the other hand, compared to other Ludruk groups, this Ludruk group could still be considered very new. Most Ludruk groups were formed in the 90s, and the latest was concluded in 2016. While Warna Budaya was only formed in September 2018. However, the presence of this Ludruk group has provided ample evidence that the village, in the Arek subculture environment, longs for this art. This is demonstrated by the large community involvement, both from the audience and direct involvement in artistic activities.

However, the spirit of this Ludruk group in reviving this art is no less than that of the old Ludruk groups. From 2018 to 2019, they have performed several times, attracting a large audience, especially from the Pagesangan residents themselves, as they often perform in their village area. The crowd density attending these performances shows that Ludruk art is indeed missed by the Arek-Arek village.

In addition to the villagers’ longing for the art, the residents of Pagesangan themselves have a high enthusiasm because Warna Budaya is a Ludruk group unique to their village. This also marks the village community’s solidarity with the initiative from their own brethren. They always fully support all the artistic activities of this Ludruk group, proven by the villagers’ eagerness to always actively participate, both in terms of presence—as a form of appreciation—and involvement in the creative process.

Unfortunately, from 2020 to 2021, this Ludruk group had to pause its activities due to the Covid pandemic, forcing them to take a break. Although Warna Budaya experienced a downturn, after the decrease in virus spread, the group resumed training to regain their performance level. They always conduct training and regular meetings at their training location in the Pagesangan Subdistrict.

As Indonesia manages the pandemic better, this Ludruk group has re-emerged. They have performed three times in the last three months, holding their first performance after the pause in November. It was held in the Pagesangan Subdistrict field, attended by the Arek Institute’s accompanying team. This was the initial meeting of the accompanying team with this Ludruk group.

The performance marked the beginning of their subsequent shows. Due to the overwhelming enthusiasm for that performance, they held a second performance on December 18, 2021. At the second performance, the audience once again filled the entire venue. The seating for the audience was even full and could not accommodate other spectators, resulting in many audience members crowding and standing just to enjoy this Ludruk group’s performance.

Interestingly, the audience for this performance was not only from the Pagesangan residents, but many people from outside the village also attended. They successfully expanded their audience reach. This was possible because this Ludruk group employed a different approach from the old-style Ludruk groups. This Ludruk group leveraged the important role of social media, especially WhatsApp, to distribute their performance pamphlets from one group to another.

Additionally, this Ludruk group also succeeded in choosing a performance location. They held their second performance in a very strategic place, namely the area of Street Vendors (PKL) for religious tourism on the North side of the Al-Akbar Mosque. This simultaneously provided an economic stimulus to the surrounding merchant group. Their performance also attracted visitors to shop for snacks and drinks in the merchant area. The PKL, usually quiet of visitors on that day, had their merchandise swept clean.

In short, the presence of the Warna Budaya Ludruk group represents a phenomenal emergence and is like an oasis. This group marks the re-emergence of the village Ludruk group, which once occurred in the 90s, but at that time, it was in the form of village theater groups scattered in the Arek environment. This simultaneously heralds a new wave in Ludruk art, namely village Ludruk.