Pilihan Bahasa
ENG | IND
Arek Surabaya Reclaim the Urban Sphere

Arek Surabaya Reclaim the Urban Sphere

by | Feb 23, 2022 | Kelana Masa

M. Khoirurrizqi Awalalul M | Mahasiswa Ilmu Sejarah Universitas Jember | Jurnalis di Lembaga Pers Mahasiswa Tegal Boto |

 

At the beginning of the 20th century, many lands in the Surabaya region were owned by private individuals (Private sector). They rented the land to residents for housing. The prevailing relationship in this rental system was that workers had to submit agricultural produce and rent money that must be paid to the landlords. This condition has been occurring since the implementation of the Agrarische Wet in 1870. This regulation allowed private parties with large capital to obtain land ownership rights (Erfpacht) for up to 75 years.

Residents who had built houses on private land had to be evicted when the owner sold the land to the Gemeente (Municipal Government) of Surabaya. This case occurred frequently in the southern region of Surabaya as a target for urban development. Hageman (1859) wrote that since the mid-19th century, the southern region was largely controlled by private individuals utilizing residents as laborers to cultivate open land. According to him, many residents at that time were still rural, with the majority being farmers.

The focus of development carried out by the Gemeente Surabaya was to serve the increasing number of Europeans arriving. The purchase of private land began in the Keputran Lor area. Tillema, as quoted in the book “Merebut Ruang Kota: Aksi Rakyat Miskin Kota Surabaya 1900-1960” by Purnawan Basundoro, stated that the private land in the Keputran Lor area was sold by Tjhin Tjhik Kong Soe in 1888. The buyer was the housing developer company ‘Bouwmaatschappij Keputran’. The development process of the area began in the early 1900s.

As a result of the development, many residents who were evicted then occupied kampongs on the outskirts of elite European housing. They, unknowingly, formed the Arek subculture. One of their recorded movements was civil disobedience by several kampongs in Surabaya in 1915-1916. In relation to the phenomena of the twentieth century, this effort also cannot be separated from the national movement wagon. Even two figures recorded as the engines of this disobedience, namely: Mas Prawirodihardjo and Pak Siti, were members of Sarekat Islam (SI). SI is one of the political parties that consciously fought against the arbitrariness of landlords in the city of Surabaya.

Mas Prawirodihardjo was a resident of Kampung Ondomohen (One of the old settlements in the Genteng District, Surabaya) who worked as a construction supervisor. Meanwhile, Pak Siti alias Sadikin was a resident of Kampung Kedondong, Keputran Lor. He worked as a railroad foreman (Purnawan, 2009). Both believed that residents should not have to pay rent for private land that was actually theirs.

Specifically, in 1915 to 1916, the thoughts of Mas Prawirodihardjo and Pak Siti alias Sadikin spread widely in response to the evictions in the process of developing European settlements.

The form of civil disobedience at that time was the refusal of all obligations to private landlords. The refusal included not paying land rent and not giving a portion of agricultural produce. Residents also refused the village heads chosen by private individuals and appointed their own village heads. Some of them deliberately cut down trees and used the vacant private land as if it was their own.

Besides the residents of Keputran Lor, who directly felt the impact of eviction, unrest also spread to many kampongs in Surabaya occupying private lands. Purnawan recorded that in 1916, many occupants of private lands, which had not yet been sold or developed, filed lawsuits against the landlords at the Landraad. At that time, the court’s decision was in favor of the landlords. They then appealed to a higher court, the Raad Van Justitie, which eventually decided that the occupants of private lands had proprietary rights (zakelijke rechten) on those lands. Moreover, on September 12, 1917, the Raad Van Justitie court issued a decision granting land ownership rights to the occupants of private lands, provided they fulfilled certain obligations to the landlords.

The civil disobedience to reclaim rights to land and urban space shows that the solidarity of Arek Surabaya, built through kampongs, had an intellectual-organic nature. They realized that the more expensive European housing was built, the smaller their participation space in the city center would become. Not to mention the construction of industries that made certain skills or education a requirement for employment. The transition from rural to urban society experienced by Arek Surabaya turned out to be able to find its own form of solidarity from traditional to urban in the kampong community movement.

A Map of Arek Studies

A Map of Arek Studies

by | Feb 19, 2022 | Kampung

Anugrah Yulianto Rachman–Nugi. Peneliti Arek Institute.

Arek Studies, akin to an uncharted map, lacks a clear scholarly framework compared to other thematic studies. This is because there hasn’t been a study that specifically addresses this topic. It is merely seen as intersecting with other academic disciplines without being studied based on a fundamental and rooted scholarly structure.

Scientifically, Arek Studies has yet to establish a foundation like other study topics. Unlike this study, Java Studies, for example, has been around since the imperialist era (Kuitenbrouwer, 2014:89-90). Its presence also followed the wave of academic groups during the Dutch imperialism in the Dutch East Indies. At that time, the Dutch were trying to expand into that territory.

Java Studies actually has a scientific foundation because it has been rooted since a certain period. Moreover, pioneers in its domain have already been mapped out. Unlike Arek Studies, researchers on Java have been investigating this topic since the 19th century, although those studies were conducted for colonial interests. The colonizers needed to understand the landscape and conditions of the society they intended to subdue.

On the other hand, Arek Studies is building its scientific foundation. This step is taken by mapping researchers who have conducted research on this topic. Some authoritative researchers have filled this study area. Among these researchers are Purnawan Basundoro (City Historian), Frederick H. William (City Historian), Freek Colombijn (Urban Anthropologist), Autar Abdillah (Social Researcher), and others.

Implicitly, the researchers mentioned have contributed to providing a research map for this study. They have intersected with this topic in their research results, but it is still very limited to intersecting with their respective academic disciplines. It has not been unified under a specific thematic study domain. However, these researchers have provided a considerable mapping of Arek Studies.

Broadly, their research results can be mapped into two main periodic lines of study. On one side, researchers like Frederick H. William, Purnawan Basundoro, and Freek Colombijn have a research range in the colonial period. Their research looks at the life of the Arek community and colonial society phenomena in Surabaya, the central distribution of the Arek subculture. This means that the emergence of this community is marked by phenomena that appeared during that period.

On the other hand, researchers like Autar Abdillah and Akhudiat place the formation of Arek culture as having occurred since the pre-colonial era. They see the presence of Arek culture as having been formed since this period. This is marked by various phenomena that shaped this culture, such as natural, social, and linguistic phenomena occurring within the Arek subculture environment (Abdillah, 2007) (Akhudiat, 2007).

Based on these studies, Arek Studies actually has a position as a scholarly construct. It shows that this study has intersected with many researchers. However, in terms of scientific basis, Arek Studies has not yet been fully and adequately mapped because the study is still limited to sporadic studies. This situation has led to an initiative to construct a framework for this study.

Through this initiative, Arek Studies can be mapped and developed, contributing to scholarly constructs and addressing issues within the Arek subculture’s life. There are many unresolved issues to this day, such as the cases of Ludruk art born from the Arek community, which also faces problems due to the passage of time.

Therefore, research and studies in this domain are crucial. It can help the Arek community and the academic public to reflect and advance life within this community. To support this work, Arek Studies requires a multi-perspective approach. This effort can be undertaken by building collective studies because it can open up this study map to have a broader horizon.

The spirit of collective study work can be achieved by building studies based on interdisciplinary or multidisciplinary work. This means that individuals from various backgrounds can collaborate to study phenomena within this subculture. This causes the study not only to be limited to a specific academic domain but also to develop itself to engage in dialogue, both academically and non-academically, from various perspectives.

In summary, Arek Studies, as a scholarly construct, has not yet established a deeply rooted and robust foundation. The study is still very sporadic. A significant effort is needed to tie the Arek phenomena into a scholarly domain because such an effort can provide a clear overview of the mapping of this study.

From Sustainability to Commodity

From Sustainability to Commodity

by | Feb 17, 2022 | Kelana Masa

Alfian Widi Santoso seorang mahasiswa Ilmu Sejarah, Universitas Airlangga. Ia juga aktif mengelola buletin sejarah “De Verleden”.

Colonialism significantly transformed the production and food consumption patterns of its colonized societies. This shift is evident from the phenomena during that period, notably the transition from the Cultivation System (cultuurstelsel) to the implementation of the Agrarische Wet and Suiker Wet in 1870. This change marked a shift in societal patterns from having a concept of food security to becoming consumeristic.

Indeed, this policy change had an impact on the life patterns of the colonized society due to a change in the production relations. This was indicated by the transformation in the ownership system established by the Cultivation System, which required farmers to plant production crops.

Originating from the development of the Cultivation System, it eventually undermined the position of native farmers who no longer had direct access to the land. The Cultivation System’s strategy, which prioritized government plantation commodities, resulted in a change in the work of native farmers to cultivate their land with disproportionate earnings.

Unfortunately, the issues of the Cultivation System cannot be generalized, as specific regions might not have experienced similar events. However, generally, this phenomenon was prevalent in various areas, with differences in the landscape horizon of community residence, such as rural or urban areas. For example, the Resident of Semarang experienced a famine in 1849-1850 (Retno; 2019), a consequence of the Cultivation System impoverishing the colonized population.

In line with these cases, the Cultivation System policy led to a change in land ownership since the land could no longer be cultivated, having been transformed into plantation ownership. The peak of this transformation was the implementation of the Agrarische Wet in 1870, emerging from the shift in the colonial political landscape now dominated by the liberal group.

This law extensively regulated land rights. Land in the colonial territories began to be controlled based on this policy. Land ownership was regulated through the Eigendom land rights for natives outlined in colonial laws, also addressing the abolition of the compulsory labor system or Corvee labour (Scott; 1989).

However, this colonial-style liberal politics still brought disaster, especially when private parties could freely lease land for up to 75 years – as regulated in the agrarian law of 1870. During this era of liberal politics, Dutch plantation entrepreneurs and other European countries gained enormous profits based on colonial super profits. European entrepreneurs benefited from labor working long hours with low wages.

On the other hand, capitalists were not burdened with infrastructure development costs as these were financed by tax levies on colonial subjects by the colonial government (Achdian; 2021). This situation led to a social transformation among the agrarian community, where fields that were initially used for food security were turned into commercial agriculture.

The Javanese adage “Mangan ora mangan, sing penting kumpul” (Eating or not eating, what’s important is being together) has lost its significance due to the social transformation among the colonized society, a consequence of Dutch East Indies’ political policies. The freedom promised by the liberals was not as sweet as expected. This policy led to a massive shift, both economically creating dependencies and turning the colonized farmers into landless individuals.

The loss of the ability to embody this adage was caused by the instability of the welfare of the colonized society under capitalism. This is a result of the liberal politics, where the community became landless due to the closure of resources in the village environment, shrinking additional income in traditional economic activities of farmers and others.

This situation led to a change in the priorities of society. Money became more important than food security because only with money could they meet their daily needs. Reluctantly, the farmers had to lease their lands to plantation companies—where the rent money was relatively small compared to the profits reaped by the plantation later, borrowing loans to work in factories or plantations. This impoverishment was severe, with rural or urban communities beginning to depend on credit, and many farmers also leasing their land. They had to extend the lease of land with the sugar industry before the lease period ended to get money.

This impoverishment also led to food shortages during the intense commercialization process in rural areas. Calculations in 1930 showed that around 8 million farmers in Java only cultivated land that increased by about 3 percent in size. This impoverishment eventually caused rural farmers to respond by shifting their dietary patterns (Rennet, 1974).

On the other hand, the commercialization process in rural areas resulted in many farmers being landless, eventually creating a social contradiction within it due to many factors such as population growth, narrowing side jobs, price fluctuations that strengthened the position of landlords (Vries; 1982).

Moreover, the needs of the colonized society had to be met, and the way to fulfill them was by going to factories, Chinese garden entrepreneurs, native land tenants, and borrowing money from banks, village barns, or pawnshops, where the farmers became landless because their land or rice fields were used as collateral for their loans. This problem was exacerbated when they could not repay the debt, and eventually, the cultivated land had to be handed over. This caused these farmers to become wage laborers on their formerly mortgaged land.

In other words, this phenomenon spread throughout Java, including Semarang and Surabaya. This phenomenon is a sign of the strengthening of a small group of farmers who developed within the colonial economic structure and engaged in global economic activities through the planting of export commodity crops. On the other hand, many farmers became landless, giving form to the process of differentiation in rural areas. In short, Indonesia, at that time as a colony, underwent a transition from the Cultivation System to the Agrarische Wet 1870, which had profound consequences and changed many things from life philosophy to the consumption patterns of the colonized society. In the end, the colonized society had to endure the bitterness of losing land, and as a result, they had to follow the colonial pattern to survive. This pattern was cheap labor work as factory workers to meet their living needs.

Menemukan Kembali Jaranan di Publik Urban

Menemukan Kembali Jaranan di Publik Urban

by | Jan 18, 2022 | Arek-Arek

Dhanang Pradipta adalah seorang pengabdi artistik–videografi-fotografi | Ia memiliki fokus pada domain kuliner, seni-budaya, dan sejarah []

Kesenian Jaranan kembali lagi ke hadapan publik urban. Itu dapat dilihat melalui pagelaran kelompok Jaranan pada Workshop Seni-Budaya 2019 di Surabaya.

Foto ini menceritakan pagelaran kesenian Jaranan yang muncul di publik urban. Sebab, di tengah kehidupan perkotaan sekarang, kesenian ini tidak pernah lagi melakukan pagelaran di tengah perkotaan, seperti ini. Kelompok-kelompok tersebut selalu mengadakan pagelaran di daerah pinggiran kota Surabaya, atau bahkan hanya di sanggar-sanggar saja. Oleh Karenanya, momen pagelaran kelompok ludruk ini harus diabadikan dalam bentuk fotografi. Karya ini sekaligus menandai kemunculan kembali kesenian Jaranan ke hadapan khalayak umum.

Cerita ini perlu dinarasikan kembali dalam berbagai bentuk sebab, kesenian Jaranan menyimpan kesadaran atas kehidupan berbudaya masyarakat. Adapun, dalam beberapa versi, kesenian ini mengandung cerita hal-ihwal pernikahan Klono Sewandono dengan Dewi Songgo Langit.

Berikut adalah hasil dokumentasi dalam bentuk fotografi atas Pagelaran Kelompok Jaranan pada acara Workshop Seni-Budaya 2019 di Surabaya.

Seluruh foto tersebut adalah hasil orisinil dari kontributor Arek Institute, yaitu Dhanang Pradipta.
Arek on The Pre-Colonial Era

Arek on The Pre-Colonial Era

by | Jan 17, 2022 | Kampung

Anugrah Yulianto Rachman–Nugi. Peneliti Arek Institute.

Indonesian researchers and writers have always marked the pre-colonial era as the initial period of the formation of Arek culture. This can be observed through two writings that attempt to trace the formation of this culture during that episode. The first article is by Autar Abdillah titled “Hybridity of the Javanese Arek Cultural Meeting” (2007) and the second work by Akhudiat titled “Arek Culture” in his book “Entering and Exiting Villages” (2008).

In Autar’s article, he aims to prove that Arek values have emerged since the period 1037-1468. This is evidenced by natural phenomena that caused geographical landscape changes in the Arek culture distribution area. Because, around that period, Mount Kelud erupted as many as 22 times. These eruptions had an impact on the Arek culture area, Surabaya.

The eruptions caused Surabaya at that time to be covered with cold lava from the eruption. Autar presents a map of Surabaya once drawn by Faber, showing that originally, Surabaya was an area formed of island clusters or deltas. Consequently, the eruption caused the deltas, separated by rivers, to be covered and become a unified area. This landscape change also influenced the formation of the Arek Surabaya character.

The character, created from this geographical landscape, is the characteristic of the Arek community known to be tough, loud, and brave. This character emerged from the island or delta formation of this subculture area. Because of the geographical condition of their environment, separated by rivers, the Arek community was accustomed to speaking loudly and boldly. This also formed the character or characteristics of Arek culture.

According to him, Arek culture’s character is not only caused by natural phenomena but also influenced by the familiar term Arek or Rek. He attempts to trace this based on the term Arek derived from Old Javanese language. For him, the term emerged from the root word Ari, which means younger brother, younger sister, or even someone who is not a relative.

Moreover, the term Ari is also connected to the Kawi noun meaning adhi, aryi, ari-ari, aruuman. Apparently, the term Ari is also preserved in Kawi language. Not stopping there, he also observes the change in the term Arek that occurred in this term. In Old Javanese, Ari-Ika or arika changed its meaning to Arek. However, it has the same meaning, which is sibling (ari-ari riko).

This means, the greeting pattern in the Arek subculture already contains the meaning of brotherhood. This is further strengthened by the spirit of togetherness in this subculture. For Autar, this value is shown when someone comes to visit, they will be welcomed as if at their own home. This value is not only contained in the familiar greeting Arek, but it is also preserved in other forms, such as Sinoman Suroboyo.

On the other hand, the tracing done by Autar has also received a response from Akhudiat. Akhudiat attempts to trace the formation process of Arek culture before the conquest by Mataram. Because Surabaya, as the central locus of Arek culture distribution, was once influenced by the presence of Raden Rahmat (Sunan Ampel). This is shown from the political relations within Sunan Ampel’s family.

Sunan Ampel’s aunt, Darawati, had a close relationship with Prabu Kertawijaya—ruler of Majapahit. Due to her closeness with the ruler of Majapahit, he was given the mandate to secure the Ampel Denta area on the north coast of Surabaya in the 15th century. From there, he received the title Sunan Ampel. Simultaneously, the area became the central locus of Islamization in Surabaya.

Sunan Ampel’s presence, in order to secure the area, indeed had an influence on the development of Arek culture at that time. Because Surabaya, as an area under Majapahit’s control, also absorbed values from the kingdom’s culture. That culture is the characteristic of language that does not have a hierarchy.

Majapahit introduced to Arek culture the form of egalitarian language. This language had a closeness with the values adopted by the Arek community. This also has similarities with the pattern of Islamic teachings during Sunan Ampel’s period. Because when introducing Islam in Java, the community was more introduced to the Arabic language in the form of Arabic Pegon (Bald Arabic).

The egalitarian language pattern, in the method of teaching Islam through Pegon Arabic, intersects with the Islamization process in Arek culture. This indicates that the formation of Arek culture had already occurred since the period before the subjugation by Mataram. The entry of Sunan Ampel also had implications for this culture. The impact was the mixing of Islam with Arek Culture.

Due to the closeness of these language values, Arek culture had a profound impact on its life. This impact led to the creation of different characteristics within the Arek culture. This difference is marked by the segregation of the Arek community, such as Arek Lor-loran (mosque and tomb of Ampel) with Arek Kidulan (Wonokromo). Both characterize the life characteristics of the white (putihan) and the abangan communities.

On one hand, based on the Islamization process, Akhudiat attempts to prove that the period before the subjugation by Mataram also had an impact on the formation of Arek culture. This is shown from various phenomena of Islamization and segregation of Arek culture during that period. On the other hand, Autar Abdillah tries to prove the formation of this culture in the period 1037-1468. Both individuals complement each other’s research areas.

Therefore, both studies provide a significant insight into the period of formation of Arek culture in the pre-colonial era. They support and illustrate the study of Arek (Arek Studies). This also shows that the formation of the Arek subculture has gradually evolved since that period.

In summary, Arek, as a culture, has formed itself long before the phenomenon of colonialism. Its formation was influenced by various phenomena, such as natural phenomena, linguistics, and even Islamization.