by Penelitian Arek | Feb 13, 2025 | Arek-Arek
Diky K. Arief | A student of Islamic Theology and Philosophy at the State Islamic University of Surabaya[]
When East Javanese traditional art is discussed, the main spotlight often falls on Ludruk—a performing art that has long been a cultural pride of the arek-arek (young people) community. However, behind the vibrant discussions about Ludruk, there is one crucial element that is often overlooked by the media and cultural discourse: Jula Juli. Without Jula Juli, Ludruk would not feel complete.
Jula Juli is not merely a part of the East Javanese kidungan (traditional sung poetry); it is a literary form that records the long history of its people. Within each song performed, there are narratives about anxiety, hope, humor, social criticism, and the daily lives of Javanese society, particularly in Surabaya and the broader Arek subculture regions.
Varieties of Jula Juli
Jula Juli and Ludruk are always intertwined with traditional art in East Java. As part of a Ludruk performance, Jula Juli serves as an introduction or accompaniment that breathes life into the show. However, Jula Juli does not entirely depend on Ludruk as its medium. As an independent art form, Jula Juli can be performed outside of Ludruk shows.
To trace the connection between Jula Juli and Ludruk, let us briefly explore its historical emergence. There are several versions of how Ludruk and Jula Juli originated. One story states that Ludruk was initially created by a farmer named Santik from Ceweng Village, Diwek District, Jombang Regency. In 1907, Santik, along with his two friends, Pono and Amir, performed Jula Juli from one hamlet to another while wearing makeup resembling women, which they found amusing. They then sang Jula Juli in a humorous style to entertain the public (Ismail, 2023).
Another story claims that Ludruk had already developed as early as 1890, but it was not introduced by Santik. Instead, a street performer named Gangsar from Pandan Village, Jombang, was credited with its emergence. His story closely resembles Santik’s role in pioneering Ludruk, which at the time still took the form of Lerok. According to the tale, Gangsar and his friends were performing when they encountered a crying baby being held by a man. Upon closer observation, the man had adorned himself like a woman, hoping to deceive his child into thinking they were being cradled by their mother. Inspired by this, Gangsar and his friends began performing with makeup that made them look like women. This story is also considered one of the key reasons behind the emergence of the travesti (cross-dressing) tradition in Ludruk performances (Soenarno, 2023). The final version suggests that Ludruk began to develop in Surabaya.
Unfortunately, these stories focus solely on the origins of Ludruk, while the emergence of Jula Juli remains largely undocumented. However, the development of Jula Juli has always been closely linked to Ludruk. Over time, Jula Juli started to expand its reach, evolving into an independent art form separate from Ludruk. In Jula Juli, the sung poetry follows a pattern similar to pantun (traditional rhymed verses), delivered with vocal techniques and accompanied by gending (traditional Javanese music). The narration is presented in the rough, colloquial ngoko dialect of East Javanese speech.
Regional Variations of Jula Juli
As Jula Juli evolved, it developed unique regional characteristics across East Java, adapting to the socio-cultural contexts of different communities. These variations include Jula Juli styles from Surabaya, Pandalungan, Jombang, and Malang (Setiawan, 2017). While all these variations retain similar musical patterns and accompaniment styles, each version presents a distinct atmosphere and character, particularly in linguistic aspects.
The diversity of Jula Juli has given rise to its own historical narratives in different regions. It reflects the cultural, social, and political conditions of its time. For example, in Jombang, a Jula Juli style developed using the slendro Pathet Wolu scale. This scale was performed during Bapang Wayang Topeng Jatiduwur performances (Annur, 2022). However, there is neither historical evidence nor folklore detailing the origins of Jula Juli in the slendro Pathet Wolu scale. Nevertheless, Wayang Topeng Jatiduwur has existed since the Majapahit era during King Hayam Wuruk’s reign and was later revitalized by Ki Purwo in Jatiduwur Village, Kesamben, Jombang.
Beyond Jombang, around 2014 in Malang, a new musical style emerged under the name Jula Juli Lantaran Gaya Malang. This style was pioneered by Sumantri, who created it in response to the limitations of previous macapat song styles (Pamuji, 2017). The distinction lies in its musical characteristics: Jula Juli Lantaran Gaya Malang incorporates elements of macapat with rhythmic arrangements highlighting Kendang Kalih and Gambayak drumming techniques (Pamuji, 2017). This marks a unique feature not found in conventional Jula Julicompositions.
Unlike the Malangan or Jombangan styles, Jula Juli Madura has a history closely tied to the socio-political dynamics of the Dutch colonial era. This version of Jula Juli was born as a product of its time, shaped by the cultural assimilation between Madurese and Javanese communities under Dutch colonial racial policies. The Dutch anthropologist Huub de Jonge documented colonial-era stereotypes about the Madurese people, portraying them as “backward” and “harsh-tempered”—both of which reflect colonial biases. This narrative reinforced the discriminatory perspectives of colonial rule, further stigmatizing the Madurese in the eyes of both the colonizers and surrounding Javanese communities.
The presence of the Madurese people was often positioned as “the other.” Their voices remained faintly heard. This historical backdrop of stereotyping led Jula Juli Madura to become a unique form of resistance against systematic subjugation by colonial systems and knowledge structures (Setiawan, 2017).
This defiance is also reflected in kèjhungan gending Yang-Layang, a distinctive kidungan (sung poetry) from Madura influenced by Javanese kidungan and the adaptive evolution of Jula Juli. However, its uniqueness lies in its high-pitched and melancholic cengkok(melodic ornaments), symbolizing the Madurese people’s strong sense of dignity, outspokenness, and migratory nature (Mistortoify, 2015). One example of kèjhungan Yang Layang is as follows:
“Sampang roma sakè translation: Sampang (has) hospital
Tuan dokter acapèngan potè The doctor wears white hat
Lo’ ghãmpang dhãddhi rèng lakè’ It is not easy to be a man
Mon lo’ pènter nyarè pèssè” If cannot earn money
(Mistortoify, 2015)
Through the Jula Juli they created, they not only expressed their cultural identity but also demonstrated resistance against the stereotypes that had long been imposed upon them.
The migration of the Madurese people to the Tapal Kuda (Horseshoe) region also gave rise to a unique Jula Juli style known as Pandalungan. Pandalungan refers to Madurese communities born in Java who have assimilated with Javanese culture while living in the Tapal Kuda region, which includes Jember, Situbondo, Probolinggo, and Lumajang (Satrio, 2020).
This migration can be traced back to the 18th century, specifically in 1870, when the Dutch colonial government enacted more agrarian policies that allowed private enterprises to expand their economic activities in East Java. As a result, rubber, sugarcane, and tobacco plantations began to emerge, and low-wage laborers were brought in from Madura to work on them (Akhiyat, 2023). However, this was nothing more than a colonial strategy to perpetuate slavery. The Dutch forcibly employed enslaved laborers on plantations—bringing slaves from Java to work on land in Sumatra and from Madura to work on land in Java. By sourcing enslaved workers from regions separated by the sea, they ensured easier control over them (Setiawan, 2017).
As a result, cultural assimilation occurred in the inclusive Tapal Kuda region, giving birth to distinctive traditions—one of which is Jula Juli Pandalungan/Pendalungan. This particular Jula Juli is often performed in Jaran Kencak (a traditional horse dance) performances and is incorporated into the Napel/Sumpingan segment. In this segment, a guest sings Jula Juli to the host while presenting monetary offerings (saweran) to the Remo dancer as a gesture of respect to the host (Juwariyah, 2023).
In her writings, Nura Murti compiled Jula Juli/kèjhungan from the Pandalungan tradition in Jember Regency, highlighting the values of cultural assimilation in the Tapal Kuda region (Murti, 2017), such as the following example:
“Tanem magik tombu sokon terjemahan: planting Tamarind grows breadfruit
tabing kerrep benyyak kalana A tightly woven bamboo was full of scorpions
mompong gik odik koddhu parokon As long as one is alive, harmony must be maintained
ma’ olle salamet tèngka salana” To stay safe in one’s behaviour
The various types of Jula Juli demonstrate that music and culture are not merely forms of entertainment but also serve as tools for expressing identity, worldview, and even dissatisfaction with prevailing social conditions. Like other traditional arts, Jula Juli stands as a silent witness to how culture becomes an arena of struggle—where narratives of oppression can be transformed into songs that inspire and unite people from diverse walks of life.
Jula Juli as a Medium of Social Resistance and Propaganda
During the colonial period, Jula Juli evolved into a medium for criticizing the Japanese colonial system, infused with elements of satire. For example, in one of the most renowned kidungan (traditional sung poetry) pieces by Cak Durasim, sharp criticism was directed at Japanese rule, which had further worsened the conditions of the indigenous people, as cited in Setiawan’s (2021) article:
“A dovecote is a home for doves,
Following the Japanese only brings suffering.
Bought klepon at the station,
Following the Japanese means no pension.”
The first two lines of the verse are also inscribed on Cak Durasim’s tombstone at Tembok Gede Cemetery in Surabaya, serving as a lasting reminder that local arts and culture—such as Ludruk and Jula Juli—have functioned as tools of resistance. Jula Juli was not merely an art form; it was a means of challenging the status quo of its time.
Beyond being a vehicle for social criticism, Jula Juli was also used as a medium for propaganda. During the Guided Democracy era of the late 1950s, political parties frequently utilized this art form to convey ideological messages from various political groups. This is evident from the fact that many political parties had autonomous cultural organizations within them. Some of these included the Indonesian National Party (PNI) with its National Cultural Institute (Lembaga Kebudayaan Nasional—LKN), the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) with its People’s Cultural Institute (Lembaga Kebudayaan Rakyat—Lekra), Masyumi with its Islamic Arts and Culture Association (Himpunan Seni Budaya Islam—HSBI), and the Catholic Party with its Catholic Indonesian Cultural Institute (Lembaga Kebudayaan Indonesia Katolik—LKIK) (Susanto, 2017).
The presence of multiple political streams and ideologies made culture an arena for ideological battles and influence. Art and literature, as part of culture, were often used as mediums to convey ideological messages, either explicitly or implicitly. This even led to the notion that “whoever wins has the right to write history” (Susanto, 2017).
This was no exception for Jula Juli and Ludruk. The proliferation of Ludruk groups in East Java turned the art form into a political battleground, resulting in the emergence of two major factions: Ludruk supporting the PKI and Ludruk supporting the PNI. When these two factions performed on neighboring stages, it was not uncommon for them to engage in ideological duels through Jula Juli performances (Setiawan, 2021).
“Budal tandur, muleh njaluk mangan “Jumat legi nyang pasar genteng
Godonge sawi, dibungkus dadi siji Tuku apel nang Wonokromo
Ayo dulur, podho bebarengan Merah putih kepala banteng
Nyoblos partai, partai PKI” Genderane dr. Soetomo”
That Jula Juli verse is one example of how traditional art was utilized by political parties to subtly convey their ideological messages. With its colloquial language and a rhythm familiar to the people of East Java, political propaganda was woven into the lyrics of the kidungan(chant). In this way, Jula Juli transformed into an effective political communication tool, reaching various segments of society that might not be accustomed to formal political narratives. However, kidungan and Ludruk performances associated with the PKI began to fade following the events of September 30. That incident marked a period of silence and the disappearance of Ludruk from the national stage (Setiawan, 2021).
At that time, the New Order regime did not only suppress the PKI physically but also sought to dominate culture associated with it. The Pengkhianatan G30S/PKI (The Treachery of G30S/PKI) film, produced by the regime, was widely disseminated, books deemed to contain leftist ideology were banned and removed from circulation, and traditional arts were tamed by the regime to steer literature toward “safe” storytelling (Restu, 2020). One of the affected art forms was Ludruk. As a form of folk art closely tied to narratives of the people and resistance, Ludruk was considered dangerous. During that era, both Ludruk and Jula Juli, as part of Ludruk, temporarily lost their voices.
The Revitalization of Jula Juli in the Contemporary Era
Amid the influence of both Western and Eastern cultures today, this tradition faces the challenge of staying relevant in an era of modernization. The name Cak Kartolo, a legendary Ludruk Suroboyoan maestro, is often credited with playing a significant role in revitalizing Jula Juli, ensuring its survival and acceptance by modern audiences.
Cak Kartolo recorded his Ludruk performances on cassette tapes, which were then widely distributed across East Java. He became well-known for delivering Jula Juli with a comedic style rich in humor. In every recording, he was always accompanied by the karawitan(traditional Javanese musical ensemble) group Sawunggaling (Mukaromah, 2018).
Apart from Sawunggaling with Cak Kartolo, during the same period, Cak Sulabi and his Ludruk group Budhi Wijaya also gained recognition for their popular Jula Juli Suroboyoan, such as the following Jula Juli:
“Mulone jok gampang dulur peno dipecah belah
mundhakno sing seneng kaum penjajah
sopo sing salah dulur kudu podo ngalah
supoyo persatuan kito gak gampang blubrah”
Moreover, Jula Juli continues to reinvent itself by addressing more contemporary issues. For example, in the field of education, Jula Juli is used to teach moral values, history, and even social skills. One such example is the following kidungan:
“Sugeng enjang salam literasi
Anak-anakku sayang kabeh sing tresnani
Ayo belajar gawe mbangun negeri
Iki wawasan tekan sekolah yo dipelajari (Primaniarta, 2022).”
Through Jula Juli, this art form not only reintroduces East Javanese cultural identity to the younger generation but also serves as a medium for character building and fostering social awareness. Therefore, tracing the values and knowledge embedded within Jula Juli can be seen as a form of cultural archaeology within the subculture of East Java.
References
Ismail dan Asih Widiarti, “Pentas Ludruk yang Menolak Mati,” TEMPO Publishing, 2023.
Aris Setiawan, Suyanto Suyanto, dan Wisma Nugraha Ch. R., “Jula-Juli Pandalungan dan Surabayan Ekspresi Budaya Jawa-Madura dan Jawa Kota,” Resital: Jurnal Seni Pertunjukan 18, no. 1 (2017): 1–12
Aris Setiawan, “Kidungan Jula-juli in East Java: Media of Criticism and Propaganda (From The Japanese Occupation Era to The Reform Order in Indonesia),” Harmonia: Journal of Arts Research and Education 21, no. 1 (7 Juni 2021): 79–90.
Muhammad Akbar Darojat Restu Putra, “Membaca Lagi ‘Kekerasan Budaya,’” Islam Bergerak (blog), 2020
Gita Primaniarta dan Heru Subrata, “Development of Kidung Jula-Juli as a media for children’s literacy,” Premiere Educandum : Jurnal Pendidikan Dasar dan Pembelajaran 12, no. 2 (2022): 1–13
Bima Atyaasin Annur, Setyo Yanuartuti, dan I. Nengah Mariasa, “Characteristics of Gending Jula-Juli Laras Slendro Pathet Wolu in The Bapang Dance Jombang Jatiduwur Mask Puppet,” Virtuoso: Jurnal Pengkajian dan Penciptaan Musik 5, no. 2 (2022): 142–47.
Iska Aditya Pamuji, “GARAP GENDING JULA-JULI LANTARAN GAYA MALANG,” KETEG: Jurnal Pengetahuan, Pemikiran, dan Kajian Tentang “Bunyi” 17, no. 2 (2017): 69–79.
Sonarno, Sejarah Ludruk (Semarang: Mutiara Aksara, 2023.).
Anik Juwariyah, “The Study of Panji Culture in the Pandalungan Sub-ethnic, East Java Review: Jaran Kencak Performing Art,” Atlantis Press, 2023.
Dwi Susanto, Lekra VS Manikebu (Sejarah Sastra Indonesia periode 1950- 1965) (Yogyakarta: CAPS (Center for Academic Publishing Service), 2017).
Axzella Raudha Mukaromah, “Proses Kreatif Cak Kartolo dalam Jula-Juli” (skripsi, Yogyakarta, Institut Seni Indonesia Yogyakarta, 2018).
Prakrisno Satrio, Suryanto Suryanto, dan Bagong Suyanto, “MASYARAKAT PENDALUNGAN (Sekilas Akulturasi Budaya di Daerah ‘Tapal Kuda’ Jawa Timur),” Jurnal Neo Societal 5, no. 4 (2020): 440–49.
Akhiyat dan Amin Fadlillah, “SEEKING THE HISTORY OF PENDALUNGAN CULTURE: A DISTINCTIVE STUDY OF LOCAL CULTURAL HISTORY IN THE HISTORY AND ISLAMIC CIVILIZATION PROGRAM OF UIN KHAS JEMBER,” Jurnal As-Salam 7, no. 2 (22 Juli 2023): 276–99.
Zulkarnain Mistortoify, “ONG-KLAONGAN DAN LÈ-KALÈLLÈAN ESTETIKA KÈJHUNGAN ORANG MADURA BARAT” (Yogyakarta, Universitas Gadjah Mada, 2015).
Fitri Nura Murti, “Pandangan Hidup Etnis Madura dalam Kèjhung Paparèghân,” Istawa : Jurnal Pendidikan Islam 2, no. 2 (2017).
by Penelitian Arek | Dec 6, 2024 | Arek-Arek
Cak Durasim and his Ludruk troupe frequently appeared on radio broadcasts starting around 1939, and they began gaining national fame through their Ludruk performances broadcasted nationwide, thanks to their plays and comedy sketches that resonated with the public. The Surabayan-style humor became a hallmark of the Ludruk Durasim group. However, in its early days, as noted in a report from the magazine Soeara Niroem, creating playwright scripts was quite challenging. Despite this, they successfully drew upon literary works published by Balai Pustaka and found inspiration from their surroundings as their main sources (Soeara Nirom 1939). On the other hand, activities before the 1939 period were less associated with radio broadcasts, as recorded in Soeara Niroem.
The year 1929 marked the earliest recorded performances of Cak Durasim’s Ludruk group, and he did not perform alone but collaborated with other troupes, such as the Genteng Ludruk troupe (Swara Publiek 1929). Their performances in Gresik were not a one-time event; rather, Durasim and his Ludruk group held several shows there (De Indische Courant 1938). Night markets played a significant role in the Ludruk troupe journey of Cak Durasim. In Surabaya, two night market locations were mentioned: the Surabaya Night Market (Jaarmarkt) and the National Night Market (Panjebar Semangat 1935; Soeara ’Oemoem 1937). The local residents of Surabaya eagerly welcomed these performances, flocking to the venues because they found the humor both entertaining and deeply moving (Panjebar Semangat 1938a).
The Indonesian National Building (G.N.I.) was abuzz with participants debating the validity of information in an article published by the Soeara Oemoem newspaper titled “The Difference Between Mecca and Digoel.” Among the 3,500 attendees were Arab individuals; the situation became so chaotic that the police almost dispersed the event. Later that evening, the commotion grew even louder. Then, Cak Durasim appeared at the entrance, and the debate participants warmly welcomed him, inviting him to join the discussion session (Bintang Timoer 1930). This news from Bintang Timoer about the public debate at G.N.I. highlights Durasim’s involvement in public discourse.
In addition to nationalist/anti-colonial activities organized by indigenous groups, G.N.I. also served as a cultural hub, hosting performances such as wayang orang (traditional Javanese theater). However, by around 1937, cultural activities and performances at G.N.I. had dwindled, leaving the venue eerily quiet. To revive the atmosphere, Durasim and his Ludruk group took the initiative to bring the G.N.I. back to life. Their efforts successfully drew in many local residents, who thoroughly enjoyed the performances by Durasim and his group. The lively atmosphere prompted G.N.I. management to plan regular Ludruk performances every night (Soeara Oemoem 1937).
Durasim’s artistic activities were frequently documented in local newspapers between 1929 and 1938. Key nodes of Durasim’s movements and artistic pursuits were spread across several locations, such as the Surabaya Night Market (Jaarmarkt), Gresik Night Market, National Night Market, Grogol village, and G.N.I. Grogol village in Surabaya was a regular venue for his performances, held nightly at 8 PM with a variety of cultural and artistic activities (Sin Tit Po 1931). Both Ludruk performances and public debates were historically recorded, providing archival evidence of Durasim’s legacy. Unlike the later Durasim (1) article, which focused on his radio broadcasts, his activities before 1939 were predominantly live performances. This period marked a crucial phase in the early development of Ludruk art, as numerous plays and comedic sketches were documented in the Panjebar Semangat newspaper between 1935 and 1938.
Panjebar Semangat: Documenting the Early Development of Ludruk
Fragments of plays and comedic sketches from the early development of Ludruk are scattered throughout the columns of Panjebar Semangat. Several key columns recorded these fragments, marking significant historical notes in the evolution of Ludruk art. Among the notable columns featuring Ludruk plays and sketches from this early period are Leloetjon and Sinambi Kalane Nganggoer (Panjebar Semangat 1935a). This Javanese-language newspaper, written in a mix of informal and refined styles (ngoko-alus), provides historical evidence of the discourse surrounding Ludruk performances.
The Sinambi Kalane Nganggoer column often presented Ludruk plays in script form, with recurring names such as Cak Durasim, Seboel, Man Djamino, Tjak Besoet (read: Cak Besut), Santinet, and Siti Asmoenah frequently appearing in its content (Panjebar Semangat 1935a, 1938c, 1938b). These six figures consistently surfaced in both conversations and Ludruk play scripts.
The plays featured in Sinambi Kalane Nganggoer employed a range of linguistic styles and tackled contemporary issues of the time. Dutch, for instance, was often used to refer to government office terminology and metaphors in the scripts of Ludruk performances during this period. Furthermore, popular issues of the era were sometimes incorporated into the scripts. One example is a play titled Darmawisata, which depicted a comparison of the vacation habits of Javanese aristocrats (priyayi) and Americans.
“Wong-wong ing Amerika jen nganakake darmawisata malah nganti ngideri donja, ndeleng kaendahaning boewana… (Panjebar Semangat 1937)”
(people in America go on excursions that take them around the world, exploring the beauty of the earth…)
In this play, the white collar priyayi class is compared to Americans. Their busy lives in office jobs needed to be balanced with vacations to refresh both body and mind. The narrative in this play script reflects the worldview of the priyayi class, closely tied to the movement led by Dr. Soetomo, which also represented the emerging priyayi class (Frederick 1989).
Cak Durasim and his Ludruk group had a strong connection with nationalist movements centered at the G.N.I., such as Dr. Soetomo’s initiatives. This relationship highlighted a consolidation between artistic and political activities during the early development of Ludruk art. Cak Durasim frequently engaged with study clubs and the Panjebar Semangat newspaper, founded by Dr. Soetomo (Cohen 2016). The close ties between Durasim and nationalist movements significantly influenced the narratives he created for Ludruk. This is evident from the numerous fragments of comedic sketches, plays, artistic activities, and Durasim’s political involvement at G.N.I. during 1929-1938. However, during this period, Durasim’s plays and sketches did not yet carry anti-colonial or resistance themes; they primarily responded to everyday phenomena or drew inspiration from Balai Pustaka’s fictional works.
On the one hand, Durasim became renowned for his death during the Japanese colonial era due to his satirical works. On the other hand, during the Dutch colonial period, global culture, including Dutch idioms and world issues, intertwined with the essence of Ludruk art. As an art form, Ludruk was a product of its time, deeply connected to the historical context of the Dutch and Japanese colonial periods. Before his death, Durasim continued to develop new forms of art, rooted in the traditions of Lerok and Besut performances (Supriyanto 2018). Residues of Besut traditions can still be seen in the dialogues appearing in Panjebar Semangat newspapers, including characters like Besut, Djamino, and Asmunah. Even the iconic red fez of Besut was noted in several historical descriptions of Cak Durasim (Cohen 2016).
To summarise, Durasim’s activities were deeply intertwined with the nationalist and anti-colonial movements during Dr. Soetomo’s era, as recorded in historical fragments and newspaper columns. The early development of Ludruk art during this period was marked by live performances (nobong) and Durasim’s political engagements at G.N.I. The years 1929-1938 represent a formative phase in Ludruk’s narrative development.
Bibliography
Bintang Timoer. 1930. “Openbare Debat vergadering Gadoeh Dan Dibubarkan.” Bintang Timoer, August 28.
Cohen, Matthew Isaac. 2016. Inventing the Performing Arts: Modernity and Tradition in Colonial Indonesia.
Frederick, William H. 1989. Pandangan Dan Gejolak Masyarakat Kota Dan Lahirnya Revolusi Indonesia (Surabaya 1926-1946). Jakarta: Gramedia.
De Indische Courant. 1938. “Kermis-genoegens.” De Indische Courant, August 6, 4.
Panjebar Semangat. 1935a. “Ja Ikoe Sing Tak Goleki!” Panjebar Semangat, December 7, 10.
Panjebar Semangat. 1935b. “Tjak Doerasim….!” Panjebar Semangat, October 26, 16.
Panjebar Semangat. 1937. “Darmawisata.” Panjebar Semangat, December 18, 15.
Panjebar Semangat. 1938a. “Iki lo gambare tjak Doerasim…” Panjebar Semangat, October 1.
Panjebar Semangat. 1938b. “Pangoepadjiwa.” Panjebar Semangat, March 26, 15.
Panjebar Semangat. 1938c. “Selingan.” Panjebar Semangat, January 8, 15.
Sin Tit Po. 1931. “Bantoean Pada Gedong Nasional.” Sin Tit Po, August 28, 1.
Soeara Nirom. 1939. “–Loedroek Tjak Doerasim–Soerabaia. Lakon: ,,Pengaroehnja Senjoeman”.” Soeara Nirom, August 1.
Soeara ’Oemoem. 1937. “Doerasim teroes main.” Soeara Oemoem, July 13, 2.
Soeara Oemoem. 1937. “Loedroek Doerasim.” Soeara ’Oemoem, April 6.
Supriyanto, Henri. 2018. Ludruk Jawa Timur Dalam Pusaran Zaman. Malang: Beranda Kelompok Intrans Publishing.
Swara Publiek. 1929. “Harga Melawan.” Swara Publiek, March 19.
by Penelitian Arek | Sep 4, 2024 | Arek-Arek
At the end of the 19th century, Malay opera and stambul comedy were held almost non-stop in the northern corner of Surabaya. French and Italian opera actors, American magicians, British circus performers, and acrobat players from Japan and Australia were brought to Surabaya via Tanjung Perak Port. The traveling show- men stopped in almost every port of the world that was opened, and were hastily polished by colonial desires. They were brought in to entertain and delight people who were said to come from the “first world”, in a place that is nicknamed arbitrarily as the “third world”.
At the same time, an operator of a motion picture screening program was among the artists of the show. The operator did not take his eyes off a large wooden box that contained projector equipment, so as not to be confused with the equipment of the performing artists on the same boat. He was not involved in “acrobatic” conversations with performance artists, but he knew that the new medium that he brought would disrupt the established show business and classic entertainment. Once the operator stepped on the harbor, he already knew where he was going to do his first screening program. The difference was, he did not even comb the small towns and remote villages as did the traveling artists. The operator only stopped at big cities that were ready for the arrival of the new medium he carried.
He was Louis Talbott, a French photographer who obtained permission from the colonial government to do the first commercially motion picture screening in Surabaya in the mid to late April 1897. He conducted a screening program at the Surabaya Theater (Schouwburg) building located in a European residential area in Surabaya. The luxurious theater, that was built at a cost of 55 thousand gulden, was the only building that already had a motion picture player.
The Talbott screening program began by playing a documentary about European merchant ships that landed in the Dutch East Indies, where one of the scenes in the film was believed to be recorded by Georges Méliès–a stage magician and illusionist from France who was just beginning to try another fortune in his career as a filmmaker. The program continued with the screening of documentary films made by Talbott himself while traveling around Java and Sumatra in October 1896, or only ten months’ difference since the Lumierre Brothers released the world’s first commercial film screening on December 28, 1895 in France.
Talbott’s premiere was successful. The definition of performance art began to falter, the stiff face of Surabaya also began to change. Compared to the famous cosmo- politan and “government seat” Batavia, Surabaya was only known as a trading city and a Dutch military base. One of the things that made us pause when condemning the Dutch colonial occupation was, perhaps, because Tanjung Perak Port turned out not only to act as gateway that takes away the most lucrative commodities from the archipelago to be sold with almost unlimited accumulated value in other parts of the world. Tanjung Perak–as a port that is loyal to anyone who wants to take anchor to sail or to anyone who wants to lean on it–is also an entry point for human achievements from other parts of the world; the entry of moving image recording and player technology made Surabaya one of the cities that became the initial location for the screening of moving images in Asia.
Shortly after the premiere at the Surabaya Theater, other screenings building began to appear. A Chinese gemstone entrepreneur in the Kapasan Market made a screening building named Kenotograph. Surabaya Theater may be proud of luxury buildings, qualified lighting, and smooth air circulation, but Kenotograph confidently offers other things: new furniture and variations in ticket prices. If Surabaya Theater had a fix rates at 1 gulden, Kenotograph was only half; there was even a choice of 25 cents for third-class seats.
Watching motion pictures became a new activity. The elites of the colonial government, aristocrats, local priyayi and Asian immigrants in Surabaya began to love this new klangenan (hobby). Outside the theater, they were amazed by the movie projector made by the Lumiere Brothers (cinematographe) that were able to produce vivid images after being projected onto a screen. “We are not disappointed, and really enjoy what we see inside,” one of the viewers told the December 23, 1909 edition of the Soerabaijasch Handelblad newspaper. The audience did not fully understand, but the experience of watching moving (or live) pictures provided an opportunity to guess the times which continually make civilization shocks–such as the presence of a printing press that contributed to the spread of ideas about political entities. People who did not get or were not allowed to watch in the theater because they came from a low social class began to grumble. Screening venues outside the luxurious theater began to be initiated by Chinese and Indian businessmen who saw the economic opportunities of this lucrative entertainment business. The screening place was not only about the building; canvas and bamboo tents for screening began to be made. The radical change to the screening venue was a response to circumventing the space which in fact had an effect on urban planning, transportation, and taxes for public entertainment during the colonial period.
We further knew that the film Talbott brought had become a marker of the times. He entered from the port of a big city called Surabaya, breaking down the chain of events ranging from the production of motion picture player technology in the middle of World War I, to the growing interest of people in a new medium that made the screening program an entertainment choice in the colonial era. The rise in the screening business in Surabaya, ranging from canvas and bamboo tents to luxurious buildings that stimulated spectator mobility, gave us clues about the early evolution of the urban landscape of the city of Surabaya and its identity politics which had not always been successfully carried out by the Dutch colonial government.
Guest From Outside The Port
More than one century later since Talbott set foot in Surabaya, Tanjung Perak and film still act as a bridge connecting historical ties between Indonesia and the Netherlands. It is Yunjoo Kwak, an artist from South Korea who lives in Rotterdam, who tried to unravel the historical bond. She also tried to unravel the building of historical narratives across various disciplines– a process which certainly had the risk of becoming “eclectic” narratives, that revolve around the practice of mix-and-match only because of a lack of knowledge and an inability to articulate what needed to be further studied in her research.
Through “Only The Port are Loyal to Us”, Yunjoo provided an opportunity for us not to be easily tempted into retrospective patterns like those offered by historical films—or when many parties claim that historical films were limited to “films that presented something that had already been past”. That the evidence that could still be referred to today made us understand the extent of the boundary line between events, stories, archives, documents, and allegorical reflection in the film.
Instead of choosing a narrative form, Yunjoo presented an experimental documentary which she composed by collating footage about Tanjung Perak past and present. Yunjoo let the film joked through silence supported by animation and scoring for almost the entire duration. Yunjoo, it seems, wanted to share the visual experience in her understanding as an advanced stage–where the public watching not only enjoyed visual presentation, but also reviewed what was trying to be displayed visually. Such visual experiences were important today because it was like drawing us back to the debate about how “truth” works.
I refreshed our memory a little about the philosophical debate between the correspondence and coherence theories of truth. If the correspondence theory of truth was that the truth must be in accordance with the reality out there, then the coherence theory of truth saw that the truth was something that was intact in its own structure without having to match the reality out there. To enrich the debate I also included the concept of nonrepresentational understanding of truth or infinitive truth: that all forms of knowledge had the same degree of truth. My aim in presenting this philosophical debate is to make us understand the way of viewing the concept of truth which is still limited by a jumble of entities.
“Only The Ports are Loyal to Us” was a story bridge that connected collective memory of events from colonial times to the present day. About how the subject-object relationship that, despite the differences of time and distance, still had the opportunity to guess what had happened in the past and its influence in the present. As a bridge to the story, Yunjoo’s work was a link that leads us to look back to something that was never really clear: history. I used the word “bridge” as a metaphor such as how Yunjoo chose “port” and “film” in her role as a connector, or in this case, maybe, we could agree to use the word medium.
As a medium, Yunjoo should realize that it was impossible for her to cover all the details of events and “truths” such as how unilateral claims to history were impossible to be free from certain narratives. Conveying historical “truths”, as I know them and studying them, would never be able to match the details of historical events themselves–so that any attempt to unmask history that was claimed to be “truth”, that was exactly the same as historical events itself, was almost impossible. At this point, the medium only helped us to refer to events and guess the level of information conveyed as the pieces that complete to be read or reconstructed it, not to be believed as the only “truth” information of history.
When it came to this stage, the film medium, as chosen by Yunjoo, became relevant to be discussed as one of the speaking choices. It presented the possibilities to avoid being trapped as we read historical texts that were considered monumental and authoritative. That history could be conveyed in a flexible manner, involving everyday and trivial matters. Even at some point blurred between what was documentary and fiction–provided that this blurring of boundaries was interpreted as an effort not to rush to assume that what was conveyed through the medium was complete and absolute truth.
Yunjoo, and perhaps, those of us who witnessed Yunjoo’s work, were guests from outside the port who had the opportunity to observe clashes of historical and past texts. Through a metaphorical presupposition that could be called a port or a bridge that was dubbed into the medium of film, we were not in axiomatic experience, but rather a liminal one. The experience of being in the liminal space gave us the status of ambiguity: that was not located “here” or “there”. This state of being made us a guest, a stranger, who was entitled to get and process the story, but had no right to claim to be the one who knew the truth about the story.
This status also could later be used as a critique of the workings of history when determining objectivity and restoring it into various medium choices. As Julian Barnes once wrote in one of his novels that, “History is certainty that results when memory imperfections meet with a lack of documentation.” That sometimes history was considered certainty right when its own footing was incomplete. That Yunjoo herself must also be prepared to accept criticism and be able to articulate her ideas about history based on the linking of memories and colonial heritage monuments that bridge Indonesian-Dutch relations, right at a time when the medium could only display fragments of truth.
By choosing a film medium over other media choices, Yunjoo should also have moved away from what Talbott did when he first conducted a screening program in Surabaya. It was not enough to just document the hustle and bustle of the ships at the port and their journey from the Netherlands to Indonesia. It was not enough just to do a screening and exhibition program. She also had to be critical about the colonial practices and perspectives which to these days still plague European societies and transmit them to Asian communities, especially with regard to managing documents, archives and their convenience as an authoritative spokesperson of history.
*This text is the original version of “The Port Remains the Same” written by Yogi Ishabib, and is part of Yun Joo Kwak’s exhibition titled “Only The Ports are Loyal to Us” This work has also been published on the official website of the East Java Arts Council (DKJT).
by Penelitian Arek | Mar 1, 2024 | Kelana Masa
Alfian Widi Santoso | Student of History Departement in Airlangga Unviersity | Arek Institute Associate Researcher
Surabaya has long faced health issues related to water. This is evidenced by a petition to the Queen of the Netherlands, published in the Soerabajasch Handelsblad at the end of the 19th century, which concerned the provision of clean water for the population. The petition, created for the benefit of the European community, was motivated by the escalating cholera problem in Surabaya, as well as fears regarding the potable water conditions in Surabaya following John Snow’s discovery of the link between poor drinking water hygiene and the spread of cholera (Achdian, 2023).
The petition was eventually granted several years later, coinciding with Surabaya’s designation as a municipality. Nevertheless, issues regarding community hygiene and water remained problematic until the end of Dutch rule in Indonesia in 1942. This was due to disparities, where Europeans easily accessed water directly supplied to their homes, in contrast to the indigenous population who had to queue for water as each village was only equipped with one pump (Huda, 2016).
One of the impacts of this unequal policy can be observed in the Pegirian River, where hygiene issues were seriously highlighted, both in terms of problems and solutions, by two renowned authors of Dutch descent: H.F Tillema in his extensive volumes of Kromoblanda and Von Faber in his monumental second work, Nieuw Soerabaia. This writing highlights the Pegirian River case in the Nyamplungan district, which was a focus of the Surabaya government, and will discuss the government’s policies at the time in addressing this issue.
Image 1. The banks of the Pegirian River in the Nyamplungan District. Source: Von Faber, 1933, Nieuw Soerabaia
The Nyamplungan case is one among many health issues in Surabaya, but it received special attention from the Surabaya municipal government, as evidenced by the serious focus of Von Faber in Nieuw Soerabaia. In the book, the chapter on Health Care, specifically on Typhoid Fever, features a comparative photo of the banks of the Pegirian River in the Nyamplungan district, showing a change in the river steps from terraced to gentle.
According to Von Faber, the banks of the Pegirian River were filled with piles of human feces, disposed of indiscriminately. Von Faber noted that this reckless disposal of feces posed a significant problem related to the spread of Typhoid Fever, caused by the Salmonella Typhi virus transmitted through the consumption of food and drink contaminated by the feces of infected individuals. It can be concluded that this situation arose because some people still consumed food or drink sourced from the Pegirian River, such as drinking water or river-derived products, among others.
Image 2. The banks of the Pegirian River in the Nyamplungan district after renovation. Source: Von Faber, 1933, Nieuw Soerabaia
This issue was not confined to the banks of the Pegirian River passing through the Nyamplungan district but was prevalent along the entire length of the Pegirian River. This concern was voiced by Katjoeng Moeda in the “Proletar” newspaper, affiliated with the Communist Party of Indonesia (PKI) in Surabaya, on September 25, 1925. In his complaint about the Surabaya government’s sluggishness in addressing community cleanliness, Katjoeng Moeda wrote:
“At the Girikan River, starting from Gili Ketapang, when the water is stagnant, numerous men and women sit closely together. Not to catch a breeze… but to defecate, producing what could be called ‘sausage bread’.”
The ‘sausage bread’ Katjoeng Moeda referred to was feces. The quoted sentence illustrates a common behavior of defecating in the river, which can be said to mark the beginning of disease spread among the indigenous population. According to Von Faber and the Surabaya government of the time, this issue was deeply ingrained in the community—even after numerous educational efforts, which was evidenced by the accumulation and continuous renewal of feces. Indeed, the feces problem necessitated direct government intervention to resolve it. This was reflected in a report by the De Indische Courant newspaper on December 2, 1927, mentioning that the health department conducted an on-site review of waste disposal in Wonokusumo and would also visit Nyamplungan to discuss issues related to community health and hygiene.
A month later, the same newspaper provided an overview of the conditions in Nyamplungan and the steps to be taken to address this issue. In De Indische Courant, published on January 9, 1928, under the headline “Onhygiënisch Soerabaia” (Unhygienic Surabaya), an opening sentence poignantly described the Nyamplungan area, “Nyamplungan, the filthy…”. The news excerpt roughly went as follows:
“In these clumps of feces, residents of the densely populated villages of Njamploengan and Kertopaten defecate along the riverbanks without any shelter. The feces, left along the riverbanks, are carried back and forth by the tide, causing a continuously disgusting stench to pollute the environment. It would be a blessing for the community if the city government were to build 13 public baths and private facilities along the Pegirian. One of which is already under construction,” said the author.
The improvement of the riverbanks (in Javanese: plengsengan/trap) at least reduced the community’s habit of defecating in the river, a habit that, according to Von Faber, was very difficult to eliminate. These improvement efforts had been planned since 1928 by the B.O.W (Burgerlijke Openbare Werken/Public Works Department) along with the Surabaya health department for immediate implementation, in the interest of public health.
The renovations were not limited to the riverbanks but also included other improvements, such as providing 13 public toilets (ponten) at various points along the Pegirian River. Additionally, a number of hygiene facilities were planned to be built in the villages to train the community to live clean and hygienically. Despite these efforts, the issue persisted and continued, with weekly reports in the De Indische Courant newspaper on community health and diseases arising, especially those related to hygiene. Interestingly, the Nyamplungan area still faced the same diseases (typhoid fever, typhus A., and diphtheria) into the 1930s, even though various hygiene facilities had been constructed.
The Actual Problem!
Indeed, this issue could not be resolved spontaneously, as initially planned by the Surabaya Municipal Government in the early 1930s. The health problem and the planning undertaken by the Surabaya government garnered harsh criticism from the “Proletar” newspaper in its column titled “Tjiamah Tjioeng”. In the January 25, 1925 edition of Proletar, Si Sawoet wrote in this column under the poignant title, “The Government Wants Health, But Lets Disease Close By”, blending criticism and satire towards the Surabaya government. Si Sawoet wrote:
“…Try walking once via Gembong gas factory and Njamploengan street to Pegirikan, your nose would be assaulted, if not covered, by the stench of human… leftovers. It’s not wrong if someone who has grown hardened, then squats showing their behind to the public to… dispose, because to defecate in privacy, one must actually pay… to the government. Municipal Cleaning Service, look there’s a stink service.”
According to Si Sawoet’s account, the Surabaya Municipal Government was neglectful of the health conditions of the lower-class community in Surabaya. Moreover, Si Sawoet suggested that the government appeared to act on making Surabaya cleaner, but the Surabayan citizens, especially the indigenous population, never received adequate and free access. According to Si Sawoet, they (the government) never looked at the actual conditions and only speculated theories in parliament, even stating:
“Theory on paper is always clean, but the practical evidence is… embarrassingly far from it…”
This is in line with the detailed explanation by Jean Gelman Taylor in her essay “Bathing and Hygiene: Histories from the KITLV Images Archive” included in the anthology “Cleanliness and Culture: Indonesian Histories”. In the article, Taylor elucidates the complex issues surrounding why the indigenous population engaged in domestic work and private matters in public spaces like rivers, closely related to the economic issues of the community, especially the indigenous people.
Taylor logically explains that this occurs due to the socio-economic conflict underpinning it all, where the indigenous community, as the third-class society, lacks adequate access to hygiene because:
“First, their homes, often made of woven bamboo, likely do not have a bathroom; if there is one, they must carry water from the river for daily needs such as bathing, washing, and latrines (MCK); Second, the indigenous community is provided with only one water pump per village. This is starkly contrasted with the European community who can easily access clean water. Even through the waterleiding policy, the government could supply water to every European house through the available pipes.”
These two reasons ultimately left the indigenous community with the only option of performing domestic work and private matters in the river, as had been done by previous generations, although the motives were significantly different.
Image 3. Community activities around the river (Cantian), including children bathing, women washing, and the use of riverbanks for drying food. Source: Van Ingen
In the context of Surabaya, Taylor’s argument is validated, showing that the indigenous population struggles with the clean water crisis in their villages, with the government, expected to serve the community, being perceived as absent or negligent. Katjoeng Moeda articulated this critique towards the Gemeente Surabaya at the time, accusing the government of being extortionate and motivated by profit.
“When they do provide services, the government does not forget to ask for a cent from each person bathing and another cent from those using the latrine. Now, because of the government’s money-minded politics, the public suffers. That is, if you walk there (around the Pegirian River), you must hold your breath to avoid suffocating.”
Again, such cases cannot be spontaneously resolved as mentioned by Von Faber or the Surabaya government at that time, but must be accompanied by adequate infrastructure and economic development for the indigenous community. This aligns with Dr. Soetomo’s criticism, who argued that the government must urgently attend to the plight of the indigenous people, especially those living under bridges and along riverbanks.
According to Purnawan Basundoro in his book “Merebut Ruang Kota: Aksi Rakyat Miskin Kota Surabaya 1900-1960an” (Seizing Urban Spaces: Actions of the Urban Poor in Surabaya 1900-1960s), the lower class of Surabaya (especially migrants) who lacked the capital to build a house, ended up using riverbanks and under bridges as places of residence or to construct their homes.
Furthermore, this issue persists to the present day, as detailed by Roanne van Voorst in her book “The Best Place in the World: An Anthropologist’s Experience Living in a Jakarta Slum.” Voorst notes that constructing homes on riverbanks is a common practice among Jakarta’s migrants lacking sufficient capital, as vacant land like riverbanks become a solution, given the weak government regulations on this matter.
These studies demonstrate that the issue of riverbank living has been a continuous problem from the colonial period to the present day. Historians and anthropologists discussing riverbank life will never run out of issues to address. Hence, this lifestyle becomes a matter of concern for both city governments and academics.
In summary, the pattern of village life, where private and domestic spaces are inseparable, has been established since the colonial period. In the current era, this pattern has only shifted in activities and behaviors. However, the limitation in separating private and public spaces still remains unresolved.
References
- De Indische Courant. Gezondheid-Inspectie. 2 Desember 1927
- De Indische Courant. Onhygiënisch Soerabaia. 9 Januari 1928
- De Indische Courant. Besmettelijke Ziekten. 13 Februari 1931
- Si Sawoet. Tjiamah Tjioeng!! Goeminta Maoenja Sehat, tetapi Penjakit biar Dekat. Proletar. 10 Mei 1925
- Katjoeng Moeda. Tjiaaamah Tjiiiioeng!!!, Goeminta Soerabaja. Proletar. 20 September 1925
- Andi Achdian. 2023. Ras, Kelas, Bangsa: Politik Pergerakan Antikolonial di Surabaya Abad ke-20. Tangerang: Marjin Kiri
- G.H. von Faber. 1933. Nieuw Soerabaia: De Geschiedenis van de Indië’s Voornaamste Koopstad in de Eerste Kwarteeuw, Sedert Hare Instelling 1906-1931. Soerabaja: N.V Boekhandel en Drukkerij H. Van Ingen
- H.F. Tillema. 1916. Kromoblanda: Over ‘t vraagstuk van ,,Het Wonen” in Kromo’s groote land. Den Haag: N.V. Electrisch Drukkerij en Uitgave Maatschappij ,,de Atlas”
- Nur Huda. 2016. PERAN GOUVERNEMENT WATERLEIDING TERHADAP PENYEDIAAN AIR BERSIH DI SURABAYA TAHUN 1900-1923. Skripsi. Surabaya: Universitas Airlangga
- Purnawan Basundoro. 2013. Merebut Ruang Kota: Aksi Rakyat Miskin Kota Surabaya 1900-1960an. Tangerang: Marjin Kiri
- Roanne van Voorst. 2022. Tempat Terbaik di Dunia: Pengalaman Seorang Antropolog Tinggal di Kawasan Kumuh di Jakarta. Tangerang: Marjin Kiri
by Penelitian Arek | Feb 14, 2024 | Kampung
This is the republished article from the book “Surabaya: City Within Kampung Universe” by Yogi Ishabib.
“Husy, You put too much belief in anything Dutch.
A Javanese knight requires five:
a house, a woman, a horse, a kukila and a suspicion.
Can you remember all these?”[1]
The above quote is taken from the conversation between Mother and Child—the two main characters in the most famous love story written by an Indonesian literature giant, Pramoedya Ananta Toer. In the story, what Mother tried to say to Minke, her son, was that he should not see an era only from the Western (European) perspective with all its modern achievement, but also from looking back to the concept of wise and noble men which is taken from the essence of a cultural life of the place where he has lived and been raised in: the land of Java.
The Javanese have a very unique way to explain how a person may become a real Javanese or what they call Satria Jawa (a Javanese knight). The person must know himself, his environment, and his purpose in life. There are five requirements to become Satria Jawa and they are: wisma (a house), wanita (a woman/a wife/a life partner), turangga (a horse/a ride/a means to achieve his goals), kukila (a bird/a pet/a hobby), and curiga (an alertness/a weapon). Interestingly, to become a real Javanese, a person does not necessarily have to have all serious things since the Javanese version of wise and noble men also allows flexibility in the form of klangenan[2] matters.
The question is why are birds (kukila) used as the metaphor for hobbies/interest? There might be many reasons for this, but I will try to find the answer in Jangka Jayabaya?[3] or Jayabaya’s ancient prophecy which says that a bird is used as the metaphor since it is a creature that flies free and perches on a tree only to fly away again hopping from one tree to another. This is a metaphor for a human who is free to choose their hobby. The bird (kukila) was also used by Jayabaya as the mark of an era—an era when nothing is certain (kala kukila).[4] This uncertainty is the ship crew which helps us ride the high and low tide of moral behaviors when responding to the activities based on our hobby so that this hobby becomes a culture with all its limitation. For this, I would like to discuss the pigeon race[5] as a strong cultural rite in Surabaya. The journey of this cultural rite until today faces various reactions and uncertain attitudes according to the era and the moral of the law. It is very interesting to discuss the pigeon races since it shows the complexity of the meaning of kukila: its denotative meaning i.e. a bird, an activity which involves a hobby (klangenan), and the mark of an era.
Kukila as a Bird
In the 1945 – 1950 War of Independence Album, there was a photo published by Republic of Indonesia’s Publishing Agency. It was the photo of a stuffed homing pigeon named “Letnan” (lieutenant). The note below the photo says, “Due to its skillfulness and intelligence, this homing pigeon was able to connect one Indonesian Armed Force post to another in the war zone.”[6]
This legendary pigeon was from the wartime Rongglawe Lamongan/Bojonegoro commando area with Surabaya as its: front in 1946. During the war, a few NICA-Dutch army officers saw a pigeon flying aimlessly going up and down as if it were about to die. The pigeon was in fact dying since it had lost both its wings shot deliberately to end its life. While covered in blood, the bird, the brave homing pigeon, carried an important message for the Indonesia’s Armed Forces about the situation in the war zone and the enemy’s secret. The story is that it died right in front of the designated commander of Indonesia’s Armed Forces, but successfully brought the message. After the heroic incident, the body of the pigeon was given a military honour and immortalized in the museum with a military rank of lieutenant (posthumous) and since then, the pigeon was named “Lieutenant”.
The story of the Lieutenant has the same heroic level as a few other legendary homing pigeons at wartime such as Cher Ami and Gl Joe. The stories about pigeons carrying important messages at the beginning of the modern war seem paradoxical. Unlike the pigeon, the information technology which man tried to achieve at that time did not have the functional flexibility especially if the technology was destroyed by the war. From World War I until World War II, a quarter of a million homing pigeons were used a message carrier.[7]
Stories about the usefulness of pigeons to carry messages were actually based on their strengths: cruise power, strong memory, navigational skill, communication, and accompanied with the long history of its relationship with humans.[8] Pigeons were one of the first few animals domesticated by humans. The type of pigeons domesticated was believed to be the rock doves/pigeons (Columba livia)[9] and as the result of the domestication, 300 other species of pigeons which belong to the family of Columbidae and the order of Columbiformes were born. Up to the modern era, pigeons or doves have had the most variations and derivative characteristics of all types of birds in the world.[10] Initially done to turn them into a food source, the birds have gone through various stages to increase its abilities and skills in speed for a race and in memory for carrying messages. Until today, pigeon breeding is still practiced by humans for a few purposes: race and homing (sports), meat (utility), and display (fancy).[11]
Domestication done by humans over pigeons is one significant achievement in human civilization since as a result, human’s life changes. Pigeons might not be as fast as alap-alap[12] feared and worshipped by farmers in a Javanese agricultural society, nor as noisy as birds such as bulbuls, shamas, passerines, robins, nor as clever and annoying as the crows. It is clear that messages will be delivered without the legs of the pigeons and no applauses from people below will be given without pigeons flying fast to its home – a style and a manoeuvre which becomes the perfect inspiration for the pioneers in the world of aviation.
Kukila as a Klangenan (Hobby)
Since its first recorded domestication during the Mesopotamia civilization in 5000 BCE, pigeons had had various roles in many cultures and civilizations. A traditional narration in a few world cultures considered the domestication as the superiority of humans over all worldly creatures by stating that humans have the privilege to conquer everything on earth according to their wills and needs. Subsequently, these superior humans saw the need to domesticate the pigeons due to their functions, characteristics, and advantages. A few traditional narrations also state that the domestication is a symbol of humans’ conquest to fulfil their desire to build a civilization.
Aesop, a legendary fable author who is believed to live in the ancient Greece period (620-564 BE), wrote an interesting metaphor for the domestication of the pigeons as humans’ means to build their culture and civilization through their conquest over other creatures. In Aesop’s collection of fables, there are two stories with pigeons as the characters. First, pigeons are described as a figure that represents all good things and due to this, they deserve to live free. The story starts with the kindness of the pigeon that helps an ant which accidentally falls into a river and the ant is dragged deeper by the river’s strong current. Kindness is paid in return when the ant rescues the pigeon from a hunter.
The ant bites the hunter’s eye when the hunter is aiming his gun at the pigeon. The pigeon manages to escape and is able to fly freely to safety.[13] Second, pigeons are described as the symbol of the heart’s sincerity and purity and due to this, they are caught by humans’ desire to keep them. This story starts with a pigeon who feels happy, loved and secured as a human pet. The pigeon is also waiting for its chicks to hatch. Suddenly, in flies a pitch-black crow which is considered the exact opposite of beauty. The crow is perching inside the pigeon’s beautiful cage while listening to the pigeon boasting about all the good things she is getting today and the happiness she will get once her chick hatch. The crow smiles and says, “My good friends, cease from this unseasonable boasting. The larger the number of your family, the greater your cause of sorrow, in seeing them shut up in this prison-house.”[14]
In Indonesia, there are many pigeon-related expressions whose meanings might contradict each other. The expression “merpati tak pernah ingkar janji” (pigeons never break their promise) is just one among many such expressions which mean loyalty since the pigeons are willing to fly tens or hundreds of kilometers to return to their nests and spouses. In contrast, the expression “bagai merpati di dalam sangkar” like a pigeon in a cage depict it is kept (domesticated) by humans – the people who put shackles on the pigeon. There are other expressions which represent a paradox such as “inak-jinak merpati” (as tame as a pigeon) and explain that each subject has its own paradox; a pigeon can be tame (as a result of domestication), but at any time, it can fly without ever returning (chasing freedom or the exact opposite of “loyal” – a word that is previously associated with the pigeons). The variety of responses to the pigeons with all its characteristics, depictions, and functions the duality of good-evil, glory-shame, sanctity-profanity, or the thin line between them.
This thin line has the same context as kukila as a klangenan. For humans to become a whole Javanese, humans need some spaces-spaces for life choices so that they don’t deprive themselves of worldly pleasure to bow down to the seriousness of the world order. This Javanese space concept is interesting to discuss since it allows humans to possess the time, not to be conquered by it. Kukila as a klangenan is the thin line between the serious world which mandates an unending series of activities to fulfil the liquid worldly needs and the world that allows its inhabitants to take joy in the fulfilment of their heart’s desires which in this case is the pigeon race.[15]
The thrill of a pigeon race usually comes from the speed and the brilliant manoeuvre done by the pigeons when flying back to pegupon. [16] This thrill was cleverly captured by a famous Indonesian writer, Suparto Brata. In his novel titled Mencari Sarang Angin, Suparto Brata specifically mentioned the pigeon race in Surabaya in one of the settings. The race was said to drown its fans in happiness until “He discussed the matters enthusiastically while imitating the way the pigeon flew with his fingers, making two ‘thuk’ sounds close to each other. It was a beautiful conversation”.[17]
Some pigeon racing enthusiasts were able to differentiate pigeons with certain breeding lines. The superior breeding line in the pigeon race is commonly referred to as trah jawara or the champion dynasty. The superior breeding line can be read through its physical characteristics called katuranggan.[18]
A few commented that coming from trah jawara does not always guarantee a pigeon will win a race especially when it does not receive a good care. However, having trah jawara will ease the selection process and the special care for the pigeons that will participate in the race.
The story of the pigeon race thrill reminded me of a legendary name born out of a race held by the oldest pigeon race club in Indonesia. The pigeon’s name was Si Pecut (The Whip) and it was the winner of the super derby class for 1,000 km distance. The pigeon successfully completed the race in three days with the speed of 650 meter per minute.[19] Si Pecut, however, is not the only legend around. The pigeon that belonged to Yett Resdianto successfully crossed four straits (Flores, Sumbawa, Lombok, and Bali Strait) with a total distance of 1600 km in 1988. The pigeon with a ring number P-87-870560 conquered the harsh mountainous weather and the storm in the strait in just four days faster than its competitor, an American pigeon, which completed it in one week.
The two races were held by Lang-Lang Buana; the oldest pigeon race club in Indonesia. Lang-Lang Buana began as a pigeon racing community created by the members of the military force and Dutch merchants who kept these birds (as pets) and turned them into racers. The community who had the Dutch and the Eurasians as its members and was led by Meneer Kransier was named Akbar Khan.[20] After the independence, many members of the community returned to the Netherland and the pigeons that once belonged to the members were sold to Indonesians. Along with the changes of the pigeon ownership and the change of membership, the club’s name was also changed into Lang-Lang Buana.
Lang-Lang Buana became the first official pigeon race club in Indonesia led by Major General Rubiyono Kertopati. In 1962 Lang-Lang Buana participated in many national and international sporting events such as Ganefo (Games of the New Emerging Forces) in Jakarta, Asian Games, and National Sports Week (Pekan Olahraga Nasional/PON). Until today, Lang-Lang Buana is still active involved in pigeon races and holds pigeon racing events in the international calendar of PIPA (Pigeon Paradise)—a Belgian-based racing pigeon auction house—and all over the worlds. Recently Lang-Lang Buana held a Derby-class pigeon race with a distance of 600 km in Blitar, East Java on 26 August 2017.
Meanwhile in Surabaya, the last recorded official pigeon race event was the National Championship of Pigeon Race Anniversary Cup Ill held on 22 August 2003 in Sukolilo.[21] The championship was held by Persatuan Penggemar Merpati Balap Sprint Indonesia (PPMBSI), a fan-based pigeon racing association, which hoped that the event could be included in the national agenda and in the PON. Unfortunately, after the event, the pigeon race was not included in any national-scale sporting events. However, this does not deter the community’s enthusiasm to hold pigeon races in their local areas. Consequently, not accepted among the national-scale events, the pigeon race becomes stigmatized as a marginal activity which does not deserve to be discussed in a public domain based on one-sided moral principles.
The pigeon race seen as a marginal culture which represents a negative expression is nothing new. However, linking it to a moral issue will not help to undo the tangled web that accompanies its activities. On one side, the pigeon race is tightly wrapped in long cultural values just like any speed-related races. On the other, the pigeon race just like any sport-related races is vulnerable to the tight grip of showbiz which is constantly associated with glamour and its negative connotation, among which is gambling. This is why it is important to provide an access to information, literature, and their supporting facilities in reading cultural changes according to the context of the era. People should wrap themselves in the negative perception of klangenan activities such as the pigeon race. Since the beginning, the meaning of kukila (bird) as a klangenan (hobby) provides choices for humans to own the time, not be owned by it. If this type of klangenan does take up so much of its fan’s time and take away their everyday life until they fall into a bottomless pit of sadness, this activity can no longer be called a klangenan.
Kukila as a Mark of an Era
There was a brave man who had the audacity to criticize the Japanese colonial government. He was depicted as a typical Indonesian unarmed military hero, not an aristocratic hotshot General nor an Islamic clerk igniting the spirit of jihad. He was Gondo Durasim, an artist born out of common poor people, who travelled around to perform a play through the art of Ludruk or an East Java’s comedy show. He pioneered the show in 1931 and became a top-notch entertainer among the common people at this difficult time. Dr. Soetomo used Gondo Durasim’s influential show to raise people’s awareness of the oppression done the colonial government and to stress the importance of unity among the people and sovereignty of Indonesia as a country free from the shackle of the colonization.[22]
Gondo Durasim, later known as Cak Durasim, continued to make satires about the colonial government and the kidung jula-juli[23] or East Javanese traditional songs in each show he performed. The climax was when the Japanese government officials heard the comedic song and were furious when they learned the meaning of the song. The legendary song says, “Pegupon omahe doro, melu Nippon tambah soro” which means pegupon, the house of the pigeons, became more miserable when conquered by the Japanese. Cak Durasim was arrested by the Japanese colonial government in 1943 dan died in 1944.[24]
Keeping pigeons (doro in Javanese language) in pegupon is one part of the pigeon racing culture in Surabaya[25], and this culture was quoted by legendary artists such as Cak Durasim as a symbol of the struggle against the colonial government. The Ludruk shows typically performed a satire of everyday events sung in the form of kidung jula-juli. This indicates that the pigeon race has become a common culture since the colonial era. After Indonesia’s independence, the pigeon race became a trend for the Surabayans either through established pigeon racing clubs such as Lang-Lang Buana or as a pastime for the working class.[26] In Surabaya, the working class raced their pigeons in the afternoon after work by using public spaces such as the intersections of the road, open fields, train tracks, and graveyards. The pigeon racers who used the city landscape were referred to as the kenthongan.
The trend of pigeon racing post-independence did not last long and people began to consider it as an unacceptable part of culture. In 1965, suspected by the military as a means of communication used by the communists to overthrow the government, pigeon races were banned and all activities related to it were also banned. Even pigeon racing clubs led by military personels such as Lang-Lang Buana became the subjects of an investigation. Also, to train the flight skills and speed of the pigeons, the owners had to request a permission and obtain an approval from the transportation affair office.[27] Since then, pigeon races have been thought as an activity done by the uneducated and low-income marginal people and the abangan (the orthodox Javanese), and considered as a gambling event and often as a communist culture.
Paradoxically, the incumbent Mayor of Surabaya, Colonel Sukotjo requested a license to the Minister of Social Affairs to legalize Lotto (Lotere Totalisator) for Surabaya 9 October 1967. On 15 May 1968, a Decree No. B. A. 5-4-44/71 was issued by the central government through the Minister of Social Affairs to officially hold the Lotto program fund the 8th National Sport Week (PON) in Surabaya.[28] By legalizing Lotto, the government indirectly legalized gambling and the gambling activities once again flourished in Surabaya. Subsequently, another controversy emerged when comparing legalized gambling done by the government and illegal gambling done out of habits. The pigeon race in this case is unique since this activity does not belong to any of the abovementioned gambling. Government Regulation Number 9 Year 1981 mentions types of gambling, and they are:
- “The types and forms of gambling held in Casinos include, among others, Roulette, Blackjack, Baccarat, Creps, Keno, Tombola, Super Ping-Pong, Lotto Fair, Satan, Bakyu, Jackpot, Ji Si Kie, Big Six Wheel, Chuck a Luck, arrows or hen’s feathers throwing to rotating targets, Pachinko, Poker, Twenty-One, Hwa-Hwe, Kiu-Kiu;
- The types and forms of gambling held in gathering places include arrows or hen’s feathers throwing to rotating targets, ring throwing, coin throwing, Kim, fishing hooks, shooting non-rotating targets, ball throwing, cock fighting, cow fighting, buffalo fighting, goat fighting, horse racing, cow racing, dog racing, Hailai; Mahyong’ erek-erek;
- The types and forms of gambling related to habits include cock fighting; cow fighting; buffalo fighting; horse racing; cow racing; goat fighting.[29]
Moreover, Article 303 Verse (3) the Penal Code states that:
- By a maximum imprisonment of two years and eight months or a maximum fine of six thousand rupiahs shall be punished by any person who without being entitled thereto:
1st, performs as his trade the intentional offering or providing of opportunity for a game of chance, or intentionally participates in an undertaking thereto;
2nd-ly, intentionally offers or gives the public an opportunity to a game of chance, or intentionally participates in an undertaking thereto, irrespective whether or not the use of said opportunity is made dependent on a condition or on the observance of some or other form;
3rd-ly, participates in a game of chance as his trade.
- If the offender commits the crime in his profession, he may be deprived of the exercise of said profession.
- Game of chance includes each game whereby in general the chance of gain depends on chance, even if that chance increase by more training or by greater dexterity of the player. It shall include all chance agreements on the outcome of contest or other games that are not concluded among those who take part therein, as also all bets.[30]
Although two regulations, i.e. the Government Regulation No.9/1981, Article 303 Verse 3 and the Penal Code, do not state that the pigeon race is classified as gambling, the law enforcement may easily categorize it as one form of gambling which needs to be eradicated at any time. The perpetrators may be caught, brought to court, and sentenced to jail for gambling. Pigeon racers’ arrests and the confiscation of pigeons and their pegupons can be read all over the news and the latest one was made by the police in Karang Asem, Surabaya on 2 August 2017.[31] The police sucessfully caught 40 perpetrators suspected of conducting various forms of gambling: pigeon racing, cock fight, games of chance, and dice games and they were charged with gambling with a maximum sentence of five-month jail terms if proven guilty by the court to commit “unlicensed gambling”. [32]
The opinion on pigeon race’s relation to gambling is not shared by everybody. In 1998, Police Major General M. Dayat, the Head of the East Java Regional Police, defended the practice by saying that pigeon racing was one important culture for the working class since it was the main source of income for the unemployed. He insisted that the pigeon race needed to continue as a part of culture although at the same time the waves of anti-gambling protests coming from a group known as Forum 99 Ulama were pushing the government to ban all gambling practices in East Java.[33] He explained that the pigeon race had the potentials to be developed for tourism, employment, and any economic opportunities derived from the pigeon racing events. Based on this belief, Police Major General M. Dayat held a Police Cup tournament in 1998 to attract tourist, to increase the community’s economic activities, and to control illegal pigeon racing activities which might still exist in kampung areas.[34] After this tournament, there has hardly been any other pigeon racing events held by the police force and nowadays, there is only one pigeon racing event facilitated by the Indonesian police force which is the Kapolres Cup Klaten tournament held between 9-11 June 2017 in Mlese Village, Gantiwarno Sub-district, Klaten District.[35]
The pigeon race has always been a controversy since it was believed to be many things: a prestigious sporting event, a symbol of resistance to the colonialism, a communism method, until an activity with a negative connotation such as gambling – all of which only tell us that the pigeon race has always been regarded as the mark of an era. It is as if it were the mark of each historical journey which became the living witness ready to be branded with anything associated with an era. I deliberately borrowed the term From Jangka Jayabaya about the concept of kala kukila, an era when nothing is certain. The pigeon race clearly has all the right requirements for uncertainty as it is the mark of turbulent time and blurriness of our conventional limitations against all oppositional perspectives: good-evil, glory-shame, legal-illegal and sanctity-profanity. The pigeon race is always present not only as a culture and an identity, but also as a text that always haunts the legal moral narration which intersects with the cultural narration like pigeons which are released by the kenthongan boys only to fly back to their cages as a winner or a loser or even not to return at all flying freely to any place they wish.
[1] Pramoedya Ananta Toer. Bumi Manusia. Jakarta: Hasta Mitra. 1980. p 463
[2] (Jawa) Klangenan: something that you like, hobbies, interest
[3] Andjar Any. Jayabaya, Ranggawarsita, dan Sabda Palon. Semarang: Aneka lImu. 1976
[4] Ibid p. 81
[5] In Surabaya, it is commonly reffered to as adu doro
[6] M.F. Mukthi. Legiun Merpati untuk Komunikasi. Historia magazine dated Friday, 3 May 2013. Can be accessed in http://historia.id/modern/legiun-merpati-untuk-komunikasi
[7] Pigeons in War: The Royal Pigeon Racing Association. Can be accessed in http://www.rpra org/pigeon-histo-ry/pigeons-in-war/
[8] M. Thomas P. Gilbert and Michael D. Saphir (Ed Claire Smith). Pigeon: Domestication in Encyclopedia of Global Archeology. New York: Springer. 2014. p.2
[9] Ibid. Henceforth referred to as “pigeon” in English which means doves derived from the latin “pipio” which means young bird. Pigeons are normally used by the English-speaking people to refer to the doves.
[10] T. D Price. Domesticated Birds as a Model for The Genetics of Speciation by Sexual Selection. Genetica 116:311-27. 2002
[11] History of Pigeon. Animal Science Journal No. 4H135. University of Wisconsin: 4-H Publication 2004. p.9
[12] A type of falcon – a nickname for a bird of prey from the family of Falconidae
[13] Aesop’s Fables. Shanghai: Comercial Press. 1922. p.6
[14] Ibid. p. 131
[15] Similar to the concept of pastime by the working class (a similar meaning to masculinity) in Europe. The use of pastime concept of klangenan is not an absolute monolithic concept owned by the Javanese culture. Further reading can be found in Martin Johnes article. Pigeon, Racing, and Working-Class Culture in Britain. 1870-1950. Cultural and Social History Vol. 4. Issue 3. P. 361-383.
[16] A cage/a house. In a few regions in Surabaya, it is also called bekupon
[17] Suparto Brata. Mencari Sarang Angin. Jakarta: Grasindo. P. 116
In the nove, Suparto Brata mentioned the names of places commonoly used for pigeon racing in Surabaya such as Kedungdoro, Embong Malang, Tegalsari, and Kedungsari. These are the names of major roads surrounding Kampung Plemahan area which became the setting of the novel.
[18] Katuranggan in champion pigeon racer dynasty generally discusses the physical specifications the weight, the posture, the shape, and upper part of the wings, the size of the head, the eyes, the legs, the shape and size of the beak, the chest bones, and the tail. The complete article can be read in Agrobis Burung Tabloid No. 767, third week of February 2015 edition.
[19] Inilah Merpati Pemenang Adu Cepat Bali-Jakarta. Koran Tempo. Thursday, 10 October
[20] Lang-Lang Buana: Komunitas Merpati Tertua Indonesia. Tempo Newspaper. Friday, 8 March 2013 can be accessed in https://m.tempo.co/read/news/2013/03/08/108465911/lang-lang-buana-komunitas-merpati-tertua-indonesia
[21] Surabaya Menggelar Lomba Balap Merpati. Liputan6 SCTV, 23 August 2003, 09.10 WIB
[22] Partisipasi Seniman dalam Perjuangan di Propinsi Jawa Timur: Studi Kasus Kota Surabaya tahun 1945-1949. Jakarta: Departemen Pendidikan Kebudayaan RI. 1999 p. 31-37.
[23] The East Javanese art of rhyming. The Form is similar to Malay’s with rhymes at the end of each line.
[24] Cak Durasim sang the song in a ludruk show in Mojorojo Village, Jombang. This was Cak Durasim’s last performance.
[25] A pegupon (a pigeon’s house) is the easiest way to differentiate racing pigeons and pigeons as pets. Pegupon is a large vertical wooden hut which can house a few pigeons and also function as the finish line during pigeon racing.
[26] Purnawan Basunodoro. Et al. (ed). Tempo Doeloe Selaloe Aktoeal. Jogjakarta: Ar Ruzz Media. 2007. P. 156
[27] An interview with Karna Tjendera with Tempo Newspaper. Lang-Lang Buana, Komunitas Merpati Tertua Indonesia. Tempo Newspaper. Loc cit
[28] Initially, the program was known as Lotto Jatim, but DPR-GR disapproved the program throughout all East Java. The only city that was allowed to continue with the program was Surabaya based on the Governor Decree on 4 April 1968 No. Gub/76/78. Data can be accessed in Surabaya Archive No. Definitif 909 The government Regulations Number 9 Year 1981. National Archive Collection, Archive Number 1536
[29] The Government Regulation Number 9 Year 1981. National Archive Collection, Archive Number 1536
[30] The Penal Code Weboek van Strafrecht Staatsblad) Number 732 Year 1915
[31] Dibiarkan Polsek Tambaksari, Arena Judi Merpati Jl. Karang Asem diobrak Polrestabes Surabaya can be accessed in http://www.lensaindonesia.com/2017/08/02/dibiarkan-polsek -tambaksari-arena-judi-merpati-jl-karang-asem-diobrak-polrestabes-surabaya.html
[32] I took an example of court ruling Number: 872/Pid.B/2012/PN.Jr. which was given to a pedicab driver who were arrested and brought to court for pigeon racing gambling which can be seen in the Supreme Court Ruling Directory of the Republic of Indonesia in putusan.mahkamahagung.go.id
[33] Robbie Peters. Surabaya, 1945-2010 Neighbourhood, State and Economy in Indonesia’s City of Struggle Singapore: NUS Press. 2013. P. 131
[34] Ibid. p. 132
[35] Kapolres Cup Klaten Digeruduk Merpati Balap Luar Kota, Acara Puncak Minggu 11 Juni can be accessed in http://burungnews.com/sragen-september-cerita-sragen-bc-agenda708.html?542
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